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http://www.archive.org/details/chroniclesofuganOOasheiala 


CHRONICLES   OF   UGANDA 


■^j?{b-^^  :TA>ii.e'  cr^uztcM-^'uro^} .  "^/^y/c^^iA'n, 


CHRONICLES  OF  UGANDA 


BY   THE    REV. 


R.   P.   ASHE,   M.A,   F.R.G.S. 

Author  of  "  Two  Kings  of  Uganda  " 


WITH  PORTRAIT  AND    TWENTY-SIX  ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW    YORK 
D.    F.    RANDOLPH    &    CO. 
182    FIFTH    AVENUE 
1895 


THE   VEN.   ARCHDEACON   WALKER. 

My  Dear  Friend — 

/  venture  to  dedicate  this  book  to  you  and  your 
feliow-ivorkers  before  I  can  receive  your  reply  to  my  request 
Jor  permission  to  do  so. 

Since  you  have  not  eve  ft  seen  the  book  you  are  in  no  sense 
sponsors  for  it.  I  cafi  therefore  only  hope  that  when  it  reaches 
you  it  may  meet  with  your  approval ;  for,  armed  with  that,  I 
shall  have  little  fear  of  other  critics  less  qualified  than  yourselves 
to  pronounce  upott  my  work. 

Believe  me, 

Yours  affectionately, 

ROBERT   P.   ASHE. 

PORTISHEAD, 

SOJIERSET, 

November  1894. 


1039S01 


ROBERT     HENRY     WALKER 

AND 

HIS   FELLOW-MISSIONARIES 

I     DEDICATE 

THESE    CHRONICLES, 

AS    A    TOKEN    OF    MY    SYMPATHY 

WITH    THEM    IN    THEIR    WORK 

UGANDA. 


vr 


N34 

?5 


U./lf; 


PRE  FACE 

^^/"HEN  writing  these  Chronicles  of  Uganda  I 
was  well  aware  that  there  were  already  in 
existence  a  good  many  books  dealing  with  Uganda, 
and  that  a  considerable  literature  has  gathered  about 
the  region  of  Africa  wherein  Uganda  lies  ;  yet  I  felt 
that  there  was  still  a  distinct  need  for  some  book 
which  should  represent,  as  a  continuous  story,  the  chief 
events  which  led  up  to  Uganda's  becoming  an  English 
Protectorate;  and  this  need  I  have  endeavoured  to 
supply  in  the  following  pages. 

In  some  measure,  at  least,  I  have  tried  to  write  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  native  actors  in  the  scenes  which 
I  describe. 

In  reading  of  the  early  days  of  Mwanga's  rule,  the 
tragic  horror  of  that  period  will  only  be  appreciated  by 
those  who  will  go  back  in  imagination  to  that  time 
when  the  Uganda  king  was  an  impersonation  of 
relentless  cruelty  and  absolute  power.  His  very 
silliness    and   weakness    at    that    period   lent   a  further 


viii  Preface 

feature  of  horror  to  the  situation  of  those  who  had  the 
misfortune  to  find  themselves  in  his  clutches. 

I  have  necessarily  been  obliged  to  mention  the 
names  of  a  number  of  persons  whose  views  I  could  not 
always  endorse,  and  whose  policy  I  could  not  in  every 
point  approve.  I  trust  that  I  have,  however,  avoided 
attributing  to  them  any  unworthy  motives,  and  I 
venture  to  hope  I  have  been  able  to  show  that  a  good 
deal  of  what  hasty  partizanship  or  sheer  misunder- 
standing may  have  put  in  a  sinister  light,  is  capable  of 
a  more  charitable,  and,  at  the  same  time,  a  more 
natural  interpretation. 

I  should  like  to  remind  my  readers  that,  unless  one 
is  prepared  to  exercise  a  good  deal  of  self-restraint  in 
perusing  a  story  of  this  kind,  there  is  always  a  tendency 
to  forget  that  we  are  in  possession  of  facts  and  data 
which  were  necessarily  absent  from  the  minds  of  those 
whose  actions  we  are  considering,  and  from  our 
standpoint  of  complete  knowledge  we  are  apt  to  form 
harsh  judgments  upon  those,  who,  if  they  erred  at  all, 
may  have  done  so  largely  owing  to  ignorance. 

Moreover,  I  think  I  have  been  able  to  show  that  the 
Uganda  troubles  of  1892-3  were  due  in  some  measure 
to  the  uncertainty  entertained  in  Uganda  as  to  the 
ultimate  action  of  England  with  regard  to  withdrawal. 


Preface  ix 

Though  I  have  not  considered  it  within  the  scope  of 
the  work  to  chronicle  only  the  events  connected  with 
the  Church  Missionary  Society's  Mission,  yet  this 
Mission,  with  its  wonderful  story  of  the  triumphs  of  the 
Gospel,  necessarily  finds  a  prominent  place. 

And  here  let  me  say  that  although  Christendom — 
divided  on  so  many  other  questions — has  almost 
universally  sanctioned  a  resort  on  the  part  of  Christians 
to  the  extremes!  violence  provided  that  it  be  perpetrated 
from  conscientious  motives,  yet  after  reading  such  a 
record  as  this  of  Uganda,  one  is  driven  to  exclaim  "  The 
pity  of  it  !  "  that  even  the  very  remotest  result  of  the 
coming  of  the  heralds  of  "  The  Prince  of  Peace  "  should 
have  been  such  shedding  of  blood  by  Christians  as  I 
have  described. 

I  must  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  the  pages 
of  the  Church  Missionary  Society's  Intelligencer,  especially 
for  the  period  when  I  was  not  myself  in  the  country. 
I  cannot  help  hoping  that  the  vast  mass  of  deeply 
interesting  and  valuable  material  relating  to  Uganda 
contained  in  this  periodical  may  some  day  be  collected 
and  published  by  the  Society. 

I  must  also  acknowledge  the  value,  as  an  independent 
contemporary  record  of  events  during  1 891-3,  of  the 
second   volume  of    Captain   Lugard's  book,  "The   Rise 


X  '  Preface 

of  our  East  African  Empire."  (Messrs.  Blackwood  & 
Sons.) 

I  have  availed  myself  of  this  interesting  work  in 
writing  of  the  period  which  it  covers,  though  not 
always  taking  the  same  point  of  view.  I  have  also 
availed  myself  of  a  small  book  of  the  greatest  interest, 
being  a  work  in  the  language  of  Uganda,  called  "  The 
Wars  of  the  Ba-ganda  "  (people  of  Uganda),  written  by 
the  present  Prime  Minister,  Kagwa  Apolo,  who  was  a 
prominent  figure  in  the  wars  of  which  he  tells  the  story. 

For  the  majority  of  the  illustrations  I  am  indebted 
to  the  kindness  of  my  friends,  Mr.  J.  P.  Nickisson, 
Church  Missionary  Society  of  Nassa,  and  Mr,  R,  H. 
Leakey,  of  Uganda,  to  whose  skill  in  photography  I 
owe  the  pictures,  excepting  that  of  the  Lions,  which  was 
not  taken  with  a  camera. 

For  the  representations  of  Uganda  implements, 
utensils,  etc.,  and  the  descriptions,  I  am  indebted  to 
Dr.  Basil  Woodd  Walker,  and  his  brother.  Dr.  Cyril  H. 
Walker,  who  arranged  and  photographed  the  collection. 

Nor  must   I    omit  to  mention  the  help  of  another 

old    friend,    Mr.    J.    Spencer    Hill,    in    furthering    my 

undertaking. 

Robert  P.  Ashe. 

portishead, 

Somerset, 

November,   1894. 


CONTENTS 


BOOK   I 
INCIDENTS   OF   TRAVEL 


I.      FROM  LONDON  TO   MAMBOYA 
II.      MAMBOYA  TO   USAMBIRO 
III.      USAMBIRO   TO   UGANDA 


3 
21 

39 


BOOK   II 
A   RETROSPECT 

I.  KINGS   MUTESA   AND  MWANGA       . 

II.  REVOLUTION  AND  EXPULSION   OF  MWANGA 

III.  THREE   KINGS 

IV.  SCRAMBLING  FOR  UGANDA    . 

V.  A  NEST  OF  HORNETS      . 

VI.  BRINGING   OF  THE  SUDANESE 

VII.  UGANDA   POLITICS  . 

VIII.  THE    BATTLE    OF   MRNGO 

IX.  THE  TRAGEDY   OF   BULINGUGE 


55 

85 

I II 

131 
149 

171 

193 
215 
237 


Xll 


Contents 


BOOK   III 

UGANDA   REVISITED 

I.  THE    FLIGHT    FROM   BUDU       .... 

II.  ENGLISH   INTERESTS  AND  GERMAN  OFFICIALS 

III.  THE   king's   RETURN       . 

IV.  THE  MUHAMMEDAN   QUESTION       . 
V.  THE   RAILWAY  SURVEY  . 

VI.     A  JOURNEY  TO  KAVIRONDO  . 
VII.      QUESTION  OF  UNYORO  AND   UVUMA 
VIII.      THE  MUHAMMEDAN  REVOLT 


261 
283 

299 

331 
343 
Ml 
393 


BOOK   IV 
FROM  UGANDA    TO  ZANZIBAR 


I.      PERILS  OF  WATERS 
II.      PERILS   IN  THE  WILDERNESS 


437 


APPENDICES 

A.  INSTRUCTIONS   TO   THE   LATE   SIR  GERALD  PORTAL        .   455 

B.  LETTER  OF  THE  LATE  SIR  GERALD  PORTAL  ON  MISSION 

EXTENSION 457 

C.  THE   WAR   AGAINST    UNYORO 459 

D.  CORRESPONDENCE   RELATING  TO  TORO  AND   UVUMA     .   460 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

THE    MISSION    BUILDINGS    AT    NASSA,    ON    SPEKE    GULF    .             .            .            .  40 

REV.    E.    H.    HUBBARD    AT    NASSA  .                          ......  42 

NOVEL  COMPANIONS        ..........  45 

UGANDA  WEAPONS,  IMPLEMENTS,  MUSICAL  INSTRUMENTS,  UTENSILS,  ETC.  58 

THE    ISLAND    OF    UKEREWE 61 

KING    LUKONGE    OF    UKEREWE    AND    HIS    WIFE          .....  64 

KING    MUTESa's    GREAT    BURIAL    HOUSE,    NABULAGULA               ...  65 

MWANGA,    KING    OF    UGANDA,    1 893 9 1 

AN    UGANDA    MARKET 113 

BUYING   AND    SELLING.             .........  II5 

MATAYO  THE  MUJASI,  REV.  H.  W.   D.  KITAKULE,  WASWA  THE  MUKWENDA, 

KAGWA    THE    KATIKIRO    WITH    HIS    WIFE    AND    SISTER      .            .            .  I37 

NIKODEMO    POKING,    AFTERWARDS  SEKIBOBO              .....  20I 

KING    MWANGa's    FLIGHT        .........  253 

UGANDA    IMPLEMENTS,    UTENSILS,    ETC.              ......  264 

REED      WALL      BEHIND      "  EDGAR  "     SHOWS    THE     UGANDA     METHOD    OF 

BUILDING        ...........  333 

HE    LEFT   WITH    ME    TIMOTKO            .             .            .             .            .            .            .            .  337 

THE    GREAT    CHURCH    OF    ST.    PAUL,    ON    NAMIREMBE    HILL,    UGANDA        .  345 
INTERIOR  OF    ST.    PAUl's    CHURCH,    SHOWING    THE    COMMUNION    TABLE 

AND    RAILS     ...........  349 


xiv  List  of  Illustrations 


I'AOE 

CHURCH    FURNITURE,    ST.    PAULS,    UGANDA.             .....  351 

MR.    WILSON    OF    THE    IMPERIAL    BRITISH    EAST    .\FRICA    COMPANY,    AND 

F.    C.    SMITH    OF    CHURCH    MISSIONARY    SOCIETY        ...  359 

SOME    OF    MY    HOUSEHOLD       .........  367 

NASSA      MISSION      BOYS,      ENKOKO,      HALF      MUHUMA,      MUBASSA,      HALF 

MUHUMA,    HENRY    MUKASSA,    UGANDA    TEACHER      .  .  .  -417 

KAPONGO   THE    CHIEF   OF  NASSA 421 

"  EDGAR,''  SHOWING  ALSO  UGANDA  ENTRANCE  AND  DOOR  BEHIND  .  425 
REV.  J.    C.  price's    MISSION    CHILDREN.       THE  GIRL    HOLDING   THE  BOOK 

IS  DAUGHTER  OF  THE  UGOGO  CHIEF  OF  MPWAPWA  .  .  .  443 
TIMOTEO,  MUDEMBUGA,  R.  P.  ASHE,  BADUBAZE,  KAGWA,  KAXGIRI  JIMMY, 

ALBERT   NAMENYEKA,    A    CHIEF       .......  447 


BOOK    I 

INCIDENTS   OF   TRAVEL 


CHAPTER    I 

FROM    LONDON   TO    MAMBOYA 


Last  News  of  Mackay—Our  Party — A  siient  City — Port  Said — 
Fiasco  of  Railway  Point — The  Trowser  Question — Zanzibar — 
In  the  Hands  of  Carriers — Serious  News — Return  of  Greaxies 
—  The  Iron  Donkey — Deserted  Villages — Avoiding  a  Mother- 
in-Law — Vicarious  Medicine — Thieving  Porters — Arrive  at 
Mamboya. 


i89i] 


CHAPTER    I 

FROM  LONDON  TO  MAMBOYA 

IN  the  year  i  890  the  sorrowful  rlews  reached  me  of 
the  death  of  Mackay,  my  friend  and  former 
companion  in  many  troubles,  the  great  pioneer  mis- 
sionary of  the  Nyanza.  The  last  news  received  of  him 
had  been  most  hopeful.  Stanley  and  Stairs  had  left 
him  the  preceding  September  full  of  life  and  energy, 
doing  his  work  of  teaching  and  translating  in  the 
evenings,  and  busy  by  day  erecting  storehouses,  boat 
building,  forging  bolts,  and  riveting  the  boiler  for  the 
steamer  which  he  desired  to  put  upon  the  Lake.  And 
now  to  hear  that  he  is  gone,  stricken  down  by  fever 
from  the  Usambiro  swamps.  The  news  had  been 
received  by  telegram.  A  little  later,  and  there  came  a 
letter  in  the  well-known  hand — that  kindly  hand  which 
would  never  more  hold  a  pen  or  wield  a  hammer.  It 
was  the  letter  of  a  valiant  worker,  which,  while  it  told 
of  bitter  disappointment,  yet  breathed  a  steadfast 
purpose  and  an  undying  hope. 

As  I  read  Mackay's  last  letter  the  longing  rose  up 
within  me  to  go  back  to  the  Nyanza — to  see  his 
grave,  to  clasp  once  more  the  hands  of  old  and  tried 


4  Otir  Party  [1891 

and  faithful  friends,  to  see  once  more  their  kindly 
dark  faces,  to  hear  once  more  their  strange  tongue 
becoming  almost  unfamiliar  to  me  from  want  of  use. 
Accordingly  a  month  or  two  later  I  notified  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society  my 
intention  of  returning  to  Africa,  and  my  willingness, 
should  they  invite  me  to  do  so,  to  return  to  Uganda 
as  their  agent.  The  result  was  that  the  Committee 
cordially  invited  me  to  work  for  the  Society,  and  to  go 
with  a  reinforcement  of  missionaries,  which  they  were 
about  to  send  out  in  the  following  May  (1891)  to  the 
Victoria  Lake. 

Our  party  of  five  was  made  up  as  follows :  Dr. 
Gaskoin  Wright,  who  had  relinquished  a  lucrative 
practice  to  become  a  medical  missionary  ;  the  Rev,  G. 
Greaves,  a  young  Cambridge  man,  who  had  held  an 
important  curacy  in  Birmingham  ;  Mr.  (now  the  Rev.) 
E.  H,  Hubbard,  a  student  of  the  Church  Missionary 
College ;  and  Mr.  Walter  Collins,  who  had  formerly 
been  a  local  preacher  of  the  Wesleyan  body. 

There  is  always  more  than  the  ordinary  sadness  of 
farewell  in  embarking  for  the  shores  of  Africa.  And 
we  experienced  a  sense  of  relief  when  the  last  words 
were  spoken,  and  the  sorrowful  good-byes  uttered,  and 
we  had  at  length  bidden  England  a  final  farewell. 
Wright,  Hubbard,  and  myself,  in  order  to  gain  a  few 
extra  days,  had  arranged  to  join  our  steamer  at  Naples. 
Our  journey  thither  presented  a  strong  contrast  to  the 
African  wastes  and  wildernesses  which  we  were  shortly 
to  traverse  on  our  way  to  the  Victoria  Nyanza. 

We  left  London   on   May  17  th,    1891,  and  travelled 


1 89 1]  A  Silent  City  5. 

night  and  day  to  Rome,  where  we  could  only  spend 
a  {^^N  hours — enough,  however,  to  visit  the  Colosseum, 
the  awe  of  whose  stupendous  ruin  seems  to  oppress 
one's  mind  with  a  sense  of  the  vanity  of  man's 
most  solid  handiwork  ;  to  enter  St.  Peter's,  and  to 
stand  for  a  few  minutes  beneath  its  glorious  dome  ; 
then  a  hurried  visit  to  the  Vatican  Gallery,  to  have 
rather  a  dream  of  its  wonders  than  to  realise  what 
they  really  are.  From  Rome  we  went  to  Naples,  where 
we  spent  two  days,  taking  the  opportunity  of  visiting 
Pompeii,  where  in  imagination  one  can  re -people  with 
busy  life  those  deserted  streets  and  grass-grown  temples, 
and  empty,  dismantled  palaces.  In  the  magnificent 
museum  of  Naples,  and  at  Pompeii  itself  an  unmistakable 
hint  of  what  the  moral  tone  of  that  ancient  city  was  is 
conveyed  by  some  of  the  pictures  portrayed  upon  its 
walls,  and  by  the  objects  of  art  recovered  from  its 
houses,  so  that  one  can  understand  the  meaning  of  that 
desolate  and  silent  city  over  which  Vesuvius  hangs  in 
the  glorious  clear  air,  with  its  faint  white  cloud  of  smoke 
floating  upon  the  summit ;  the  ruined  city  and  the 
mountain  from  which  poured  the  molten  lava  that 
destroyed  it,  both  enduring  witnesses  to  the  wrath  of 
God  against  the  unrighteousness  of  men. 

Bidding  farewell  to  Naples,  we  went  on  board  the 
steamship  Madura  as  second-class  passengers.  We  did 
not  complain  so  much  of  the  dirt  and  bad  food  on  this 
ship  as  of  the  horrible  foulness  of  the  air  of  the  place 
in  which  we  were  condemned  to  be  while  the  hatches 
were  battened  down  during  rough  weather.  Our  fellow- 
sufferers  were  a  number  of  sergeants,  private  soldiers, 


6  Port  Said  [1891 

and  servants  connected  with  the  various  expeditions 
which  were  to  leave  Zanzibar  at  about  the  same  time 
as  ourselves.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  many  discom- 
forts, they  and  we  had  a  pleasant  time  together. 

The  late  Captain  Stairs  of  the  Katanga  expedition 
was  also  on  this  steamer,  and  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
making  his  acquaintance.  Though  he  appeared  to  be 
naturally  quiet  and  reserved,  yet  when  he  spoke  of 
Africa  and  the  Africans  his  whole  manner  would 
change,  and  his  face  light  up  with  eager  interest,  as 
he  compared  notes  with  other  travellers,  or  told  of 
what  he  had  experienced  during  his  eventful  journey 
with  Stanley.  His  early  death,  which  took  place  not 
long  afterwards,  means  the  loss  of  a  true-hearted  friend 
to  the  cause  of  Africa. 

On  the  fifth  day  out  from  Naples  we  reached  Port 
Said,  now  an  important  place,  owing  to  its  position  at 
the  entrance  to  the  Suez  Canal ;  but  an  evil  city,  and 
the  common  sewer  through  which  east  and  west  seem 
to  pour  their  vileness  and  their  filth.  Gaming  hells, 
dancing  saloons,  drinking  bars  flaunt  on  every  side, 
while  young  boys  accost  the  stranger,  inviting  him  to 
these  haunts  of  vice,  or  endeavour  to  sell  him  obscene 
pictures.  Since  I  first  passed  through  the  Canal  in  the 
year  1882  Port  Said  has  more  than  trebled  in  size, 
and  contains  now,  I  believe,  a  population  of  36,000 
souls.  There  are,  I  understand,  twenty-five  Romish 
priests  at  work  here,  while  Protestant  Christianity  is 
represented  by  only  one  person,  an  agent  of  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society. 

Leaving  Port  Said  in  the  evening,  we  passed  through 


1 89 1]  Fiasco  of  Railway  Poiftt  y 

the  Canal  with  the  aid  of  the  electric  light,  and  reached 
Suez  the  following  day.  Six  days  through  the  Red 
Sea  brought  us  to  Aden,  and  in  eight  days  more  we 
reached  Mombasa,  the  headquarters  of  the  British 
Imperial  East  Africa  Company,  I  had  left  England 
full  of  enthusiasm  for  this  Company.  The  fact  that 
such  men  as  Sir  Fowell  Buxton  and  the  late  Sir 
William  Mackinnon  were  prominent  directors  of  the 
undertaking  was  an  ample  guarantee  that,  as  far  as 
they  were  personally  concerned,  the  Company  was 
primarily,  if  not  a  philanthropic  undertaking,  at  any 
rate  one  which  chiefly  sought  the  development  and 
civilisation  of  the  countries  to  be  administered, 
and  not  one  to  attract  hungry  investors  desiring 
dividends. 

On  closer  acquaintance  with  this  corporation,  however, 
I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  were  other  interests 
than  those  of  philanthropy  represented,  interests  which, 
though  perhaps  legitimate  in  themselves,  could  not  but 
be  out  of  harmony  with  a  benevolent  undertaking.  I 
must  confess  after  what  I  had  read  of  the  cutting  of 
the  first  sod  of  the  railway,  and  of  the  grand  doings  on 
that  occasion,  and  of  the  intention  on  the  part  of 
the  Company  to  hasten  on  the  work,  I  was  shocked, 
on  visiting  "  Railway  Point,"  to  find  the  railway  what 
might  not  unjustly  be  termed  a  soxxy  fiasco.  The  work 
accomplished  was  of  the  puniest  and  most  paltry 
description,  and  even  what  there  was  appeared  to  have 
been  abandoned. 

At  Freretown,  near  Mombasa,  we  were  kindly  enter- 
tained by  our  fellow-missionaries.      I   learned  here,  to 


8  The  '' Trowser  Question"  [1891 

my  surprise,  that  the  "  trowser  question  "  *  was  a  some- 
what burning  topic.  Some  of  the  missionaries  con- 
sidered it  within  their  province  to  dictate  to  those  to 
whom  they  preached  the  gospel  what  kind  of  clothing 
their  converts  might  or  might  not  wear.  A  small 
matter,  but  very  significant  for  a  student  of  modern 
missions.  The  converts  were  up  in  arms  against  this 
senseless  piece  of  arrogant  tyranny.  I  do  not  know 
how  the  controversy  ended,  or  whether  the  trowsers  or 
the  missionaries  were  victorious.  Considered  aesthetic- 
ally, one  might  hope  that  the  missionaries  gained  the 
day  ;  but  considered  morally,  one  wishes  that  the 
converts  were  able  to  vindicate  their  liberty. 

Another  day  in  the  steamer  brought  us  to  the  town 
of  Zanzibar,  beautiful  with  its  dazzling  white  buildings 
set  in  the  deep  green  of  the  luxuriant  tropical  vegeta- 
tion which  surrounds  them  on  all  sides.  The  little 
island  of  Zanzibar,  or  Unguja  as  the  natives  call  it 
(from  which  place  the  start  for  Uganda  was  to  be  made), 
is  so  well  known  that  there  is  little  need  to  describe  it 
here  in  detail.  Gathered  into  the  town  is  a  very  large 
population,  consisting  of  Arabs,  Indians,  and  Negroes, 
with  a  few  European  traders  and  the  members  of  the 
Consular  staff  of  every  nation  which  has  representatives 
in  the  island.  The  Negro  portion  of  the  population, 
which  is  the  largest,  lives  chiefly  in  thatched  huts  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  Arab  town. 

Zanzibar,   now   a   free  port,  has  vastly  improved   in 
late    years,    owing    to    the    efforts    of   various    British 

*  Native  converts  at  Freretown  were  forbidden  by  the  mission- 
aries to  wear  trowsers  ! 


1 89 1]  Zanzibar  9 

Consuls  and  the  energy  of  the  Sultan's  European 
advisers,  of  whom  at  present  the  chief  is  General  Sir 
Lloyd  Mathews, 

The  present  Sultan,  with  whom  I  had  the  honour  of 
an  interview  on  my  return  from  Uganda,  was  placed 
upon  the  throne  by  the  English.  He  seems  a  man  of 
considerable  refinement  and  enlightenment,  and  is,  I 
believe,  something  of  a  scholar.  But  his  position  is 
really  an  anomaly,  and  there  are  many  reasons  which 
would  make  the  abolition  of  the  Sultanate  and  the 
annexation  of  the  island  desirable. 

To  the  disgrace  of  England,  who  has  always  posed 
as  the  liberator  of  the  slave,  slavery  is  actually  recog- 
nised in  the  law  courts  of  Zanzibar,  which  is  a  British 
protectorate,  though  in  India  legalised  slavery  has  been 
abolished  as  repugnant  to  humanity.  In  1873  the 
import  of  slaves  to  Zanzibar  was  absolutely  forbidden 
by  a  decree  of  the  Sultan,  which,  however,  has  been 
more  or  less  of  a  dead  letter.  And  now  the  Arab  and 
Swahili  slave-owner  is  upheld  in  the  Consular  Courts 
in  his  position  of  slave-holder  on  the  ground  that  he 
is  a  protected  person,  while  the  slave,  also  a  protected 
person,  is  denied  his  rights  in  the  law  courts.* 

*  A  writer  in  Blackwood  iox  June  1894  has  put  this  matter  very 
clearly.     He  says  : — 

"  The  large  community  of  British  Indians  resident  in  East 
Africa  are  not  subjects  but  '  protected  persons '  (from  Cutch). 
They  are  not,  and  never  were,  allowed  to  fly  the  British  flag  on 
theirvessels.  They  were  almost  entirely  Muhammedans,  and  under 
the  law  of  the  Sheria.  And  their  case  was  exactly  identical  with 
the  present  status  of  the  protected  Arabs  and  Swahilis.  Yet  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  the  British  Indians  were  domiciled  in  a  foreign 


lo  In  the  Hands  of  Cai'riers  [1891 

We  had  not  been  in  Zanzibar  very  long  before  we  were 
all  in  the  hands  of  the  doctor.  Our  indisposition  was  no 
doubt  induced  by  the  extreme  discomforts  of  the  voyage 
which  we  had  made  in  the  Madura. 

Thinking  the  mainland  would  prove  healthier  to  my 
companions  than  Zanzibar,  I  suggested  that  three  of 
the  party  should  cross  to  Sadaani,  and  make  their  way 
to  the  rising  ground  on  which  the  village  of  Endumi 
is  built.  Endumi  is  the  first  stage  of  the  journey  to 
the  interior,  and  is  situated  some  five  miles  from  the 
sea.  In  the  meanwhile  I  remained  with  Collins  at 
Zanzibar  to  look  after  the  caravan. 

I  found  a  system  in  vogue,  for  which  the  Imperial 
East  Africa  Company  were  largely  responsible,  of 
paying  the  caravan  porters  three  months'  wages  (in  our 
case  all  they  would  receive)  in  advance,  by  which 
means  the  unhappy  traveller  finds  himself  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  his  carriers,  who,  to  do  them  justice,  use 
their  power  with  remarkable  moderation  ;  yet,  taken  at 
its  best,  the  system,  as  may  well  be  imagined,  is  most 
unsatisfactory.  I  strongly  objected  to  taking  the  men 
on   such    terms,   with   the   result  that  they   all    simply 

country  (Zanzibar),  in  which  we  had  then  no  jurisdiction,  we 
arbitrarily  compelled  them  to  release  their  slaves  without  com- 
pensation, not  merely  refusing  to  recognise  their  rights  of  owner- 
ship at  law,  but  enforcing  total  emancipation,  and  making 
it  criminal  for  an  Indian  to  hold  a  slave.  Why,  then,  do  we 
hesitate  to  apply  the  same  ruling  to  the  Arabs,  now  that  by  our 
proclamation  of  a  protectorate  over  Zanzibar  their  status  has 
become  identical  with  that  of  the  British  Indians  ?  " 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  such  a  state  of  things  may  soon  be  put  a 
stop  to,  and  some  serious  effort  made  in  the  interior  for  the 
suppression  of  the  slave  trade. 


1 89 1]  Serious  News  1 1 

walked  off,  and  I  was  obliged  to  give  way  and  eat 
humble  pie,  and  request  them  to  come  back  again  on 
their  own  terms.  This  a  few  of  them  deigned  to  do. 
The  rest  had  joined  some  of  the  other  caravans,  and 
the  work  of  supplying  their  places  proved  a  further 
cause  of  delay.  A  whole  book  might  be  written  upon 
the  difficulties,  delays,  annoyances,  and  miseries  of 
organising  an  expedition  such  as  ours.  We  had  the 
serious  disadvantage,  moreover,  of  a  mixed  caravan,  one 
half  of  our  porters  being  Zanzibaris,  while  the  other 
half  were  Wasukuma  natives  from  Nassa  on  the  Nyanza. 
The  result  of  this  blending  of  nationalities  was  that  the 
two  parties  disagreed  so  badly  together  as  sometimes, 
even  to  come  to  blows.  We  were  always  obliged  to 
have  two  camps — one  for  each  division. 

Our  missionary  companions  had  not  been  gone  more 
than  a  few  days,  when  a  letter  came  from  Hubbard 
containing  the  serious  news  that  Greaves  and  Wright 
were  down  with  severe  dysentery,  and  that  he  himself 
was  far  from  well.  I  was  myself  in  the  hands  of  the 
doctor,  and  Collins  also  was  indisposed,  so  that  things 
looked  not  a  little  depressing.  However,  Collins  and 
I  made  all  haste  to  embark  in  an  Arab  dhow,  and 
cross  to  the  mainland,  which  we  reached  the  following 
day,  and  landed  at  Sadaani  at  about  i  i  P.M.  Here 
we  succeeded  in  borrowing  a  lantern  from  an  Indian 
merchant,  who  was  acting  as  our  agent,  and  by  the 
light  of  the  lantern  we  walked  the  five  miles  to  Endumi, 
where  our  sick  friends  were  encamped. 

To  our  deep  sorrow,  we  found  that  Greaves  was  in 
a  very  dangerous  condition,  but    Wright  was  slightly 


12  Return  of  Greaves  [1891 

better.  Next  day  there  was  no  improvement  in 
Greav^es,  and  we  all  felt  that  the  only  hope  for  his 
life  lay  in  taking  him  back  to  Zanzibar,  where  he 
would  have  the  advantage  of  careful  nursing  and 
attention.  We  therefore  placed  him  in  a  hammock,  and 
carried  him  to  Sadaani.  The  German  officers  stationed 
there  showed  us  every  kindness,  and  lent  us  the 
Government  dhow  to  convey  our  sick  friend  across  to 
Zanzibar,  whither  Hubbard  accompanied  him.  Greaves 
was  received  and  tenderly  nursed  by  the  Sisters  of  the 
Universities'  Mission,  but  in  spite  of  every  attention 
which  kindness  could  suggest  a  week  later  he  passed 
peacefully  away. 

Hubbard,  as  soon  as  he  had  placed  his  sick  com- 
panion in  the  care  of  these  true  and  generous  friends, 
rejoined  us  at  Endumi.  We  had  arranged  that 
Greaves,  if  well  enough,  should  follow  us  with  Roscoe, 
another  missionary  who  was  to  leave  England  for 
Uganda  a  month  later. 

There  was  nothing  now  to  prevent  our  making  a 
start,  and  we  finally  began  the  long  march  into  the 
interior  July  9th,  1891.  The  impossibility  of  procuring 
carriers  had  made  it  necessary  for  us  to  leave  many 
of  our  loads  behind,  and,  to  add  to  our  difficulties, 
Dr.  Wright  and  Collins  were  too  ill  to  walk,  and  had 
to  be  carried. 

During  my  former  journeys  I  had  sometimes  thought 
that  a  bicycle  might  be  utilised  upon  much  of  the 
beaten  caravan  tracks,  which  connect  village  with 
village  and  tribe  with  tribe,  and  on  which  the  traveller 
might  cross  the  whole  continent ;  oftentimes,  moreover. 


1 89 1]  The  Iron  Donkey  13 

one  finds  long  reaches  of  level  road  worn  perfectly 
smooth  by  the  feet  of  passers-by.  But  what  in 
earlier  days  had  been  simply  an  interesting  theory  was 
made  not  only  possible,  but  highly  practicable,  by  the 
invention  of  the  safety  bicycle  ;  and  so  on  this  occasion 
a  good  new  safety  bicycle,  with  cushion  tyres,  formed  a 
very  important  part  of  my  equipment. 

It  was  with  a  certain  degree  of  trepidation  I  un- 
packed the  machine  at  Sadaani,  and  took  it  from  the 
great  wooden  case  in  which  it  had  been  conveyed 
thither.  There  were  some  thousands  of  Wanyamwezi 
carriers  belonging  to  Stokes  encamped  near  the  town, 
w^ho  viewed  with  unfeigned  astonishment  this,  to  them, 
marvellous  contrivance,  which  they  soon  named  the 
"  enzobe  ya  chuma  " — iron  donkey.  I  mounted,  and,  to 
my  great  satisfaction,  found  that  it  went  well  on  the 
narrow  footway  leading  out  of  Sadaani  to  Endumi, 
where  our  tents  were  pitched.  Knowing,  however, 
that  I  should  come  to  many  places  where  it  would  be 
impossible  to  ride  the  machine,  I  hired  a  porter  to 
follow  me,  and  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  carry 
the  bicycle  over  any  rough  places,  rivers,  ravines,  or 
rocky  hills  which  we  should  meet  with  on  our  way. 
The  carrier  selected  very  soon  found  that  he  had  made 
a  good  bargain,  since  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
distance  his  office  proved   a  lucrative  sinecure. 

The  route  we  followed  lay  entirely  through  German 
territory,  the  road  passing  near  the  important  station 
of  Mpwapwa,  two  hundred  miles,  and  Unyanyembe, 
five  hundred  miles  from  the  coast. 

For  the  first  few  days  we  passed  through  low-lying, 


14  Deserted  Villages  [1891 

rich,  open,  park-like  land,  well  watered  with  small 
rivers,  and  gradually  rising  until  the  magnificent 
scenery  of  Mamboya  and  Mpwapwa  is  reached,  from 
which  point  the  country  sweeps  up  to  the  great  plateau 
of  Ugogo  and  Unyamwezi,  and  on  to  the  waters  of  the 
mighty   Lakes. 

As  our  small  party  advanced  we  found  that  every 
village  we  came  to  was  deserted,  for  the  people  had 
not  yet  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the  war  waged 
by  the  Arabs  against  the  Germans  in  the  year  1888. 
Moreover,  they  knew  too  well  the  thieving  proclivities 
of  the  caravan  porters  whom  European  travellers  are 
obliged  to  employ.  To  my  great  disappointment,  I 
found  the  village  of  a  native  chief  called  Mazengo, 
where  I  had  spent  ten  days  some  three  years  before, 
almost  entirely  deserted,  and  that  the  kindly  folks  with 
whom  I  had  been  on  the  most  friendly  terms  had  all 
disappeared.  On  the  morning  of  our  arrival  at  this 
place  I  had  a  deplorable  accident  with  the  bicycle.  A 
root,  hidden  by  the  grass,  caught  in  the  front  wheel, 
causing  it  to  be  twisted  into  all  shapes,  also  bending 
the  fork  in  a  frightful  manner.  As  I  viewed  what 
appeared,  at  first  sight,  an  almost  total  wreck,  I  de- 
spaired of  being  able  to  repair  the  damage.  However, 
I  succeeded  during  the  day  in  bending  the  twisted 
parts  sufficiently  back  to  make  the  machine  once  more 
capable  of  being  ridden.  In  the  evening  I  went  alone 
to  a  village  at  some  distance,  which  had  not  been 
abandoned,  and  asked  the  inhabitants  about  some  of 
my  old  friends  at  Mazengo's,  especially  mentioning  by 
name  a  little  boy  called  Kiiimo. 


1 89 1]  Avoiding  a  Mother-in- Law  15 

Next  morning  I  heard  voices  outside  my  tent,  and 
on  making  my  exit  I  found  Kilimo  himself  and  some 
of  the  villagers.  This  led  to  friendly  relations  with 
the  chief,  who  was  eventually  prevailed  upon  to  return 
with  the  other  villagers. 

While  in  this  district  we  had  a  curious  illustra- 
tion of  a  widely  prevalent  African  custom.  In  one 
of  the  villages  inhabited  by  some  members  of  the 
Wakamba  tribe  Dr.  Wright  was  making  good  use  of 
his  medical  skill  in  treating  some  cases  of  ophthalmia. 
While  he  was  busy  with  a  woman  I  saw  a  young  man 
standing  at  a  distance,  who  had  evidently  come  for 
treatment,  but  who  hesitated  to  approach.  Supposing 
he  was  afraid  of  the  white  doctor  I  called  to  him  to 
come  near.  The  bystanders  now  explained  that  it 
was  not  the  doctor  but  the  patient  whom  the  young 
man  feared.  She  was  his  mother-in-law.  The 
villagers  were  quite  pleased  with  me  for  appreciating 
their  feelings  on  the  subject,  which  I  did,  not  from  my 
own  personal  experience,  but  from  knowing  that  the 
curious  custom  of  holding  it  improper  in  the  highest 
degree  to  approach  or  even  look  at  a  mother-in-law 
prevails  among  many  tribes,  the  people  of  Uganda 
among  the  rest.  The  Bahuma  and  Basoga*  are 
notable  exceptions. 

Dr.  Wright's  method  of  treatment  was  rather  more 
successful  than  a  case  I  had  dealt  with  in  this  neigh- 
bourhood some  years  before.  A  man  had  come 
begging    me   for  daiva,  medicine ;    but  as  he   did   not 

*  The  prefix   Ba   or  Wa  means   people.     Wa-Swahili   means 
Swahili  people.     Ba-ganda,  people  of  Uganda. 


1 6  Vicarious  Medicine  [1891 

appear  to  be  seriously  unwell,  I  thought  I  would  give 
him  some  "  Eno's  Fruit  Salt,"  which  if  it  did  him  no 
good  would  probably  not  do  him  any  harm.  I  therefore 
prepared  a  cup  of  the  mixture,  but  seeing  him  hesitate 
about  swallowing  it,  I  had,  with  some  asperity,  to  insist 
upon  his  doing  so  while  it  effervesced.  When  he  had 
drained  the  cup  I  told  my  interpreter  the  patient  might 
now,  if  he  desired,  give  his  symptoms  more  in  detail, 
which  he  proceeded  to  do,  explaining,  however,  that 
the  medicine  was  needed  for  his  wife,  and  not  for 
himself  at  all !  I  have  little  doubt  he  was  quite 
satisfied  that  this  was  the  white  man's  usual  method  ; 
and  if  the  poor  woman  eventually  recovered,  the  dazva 
of  the  white  doctor,  swallowed  by  the  husband,  w^as 
most  likely  credited  with  the  cure. 

On  July  28th  we  reached  the  Kifwi  Pass,  leading 
through  the  mountains  into  Mamboya,  where  we  fell  in 
with  Captain  Stairs'  caravan,  which  had  started  from 
Bagamoyo,  a  town  on  the  coast  considerably  to  the 
south  of  Sadaani,  our  own  point  of  departure. 

Our  respective  camps  were  pitched  about  half  a 
mile  apart.  In  the  afternoon  my  companions  and  I 
took  a  walk  on  the  surrounding  hills,  and  to  our 
surprise  we  saw  the  people  flying  in  the  greatest  terror. 
We  succeeded  in  enticing  one  elderly  man  to  approach 
us,  when  he  told  us — the  Swahili  language  being  our 
medium  of  communication — that  the  caravan  porters 
were  raiding  the  whole  country-side.  On  returning  to 
our  camp  we  saw  two  of  the  Zanzibar  carriers  come 
in  leading  four  goats.  The  men  admitted  they  were 
stolen,   but    pleaded    in   extenuation   that    Stairs'   men 


iSgi]  Thieving  Porters  if 

had  made  the  raid,  and  they  had  merely  joined  them. 
On  searching  our  camp  we  found  it  was  full  of  the 
little  household  utensils  of  the  poor  people  of  the 
neighbourhood,  and  that  our  friend's  story  in  the 
afternoon  was  perfectly  true. 

I  went  at  once  to  Captain  Stairs  and  told  him  what 
our  people  had  done.  He  replied  that  he  was  well 
aware  of  it,  and  that  he  had  already  flogged  some  of 
his  men  for  the  thefts  ;  but  he  added  that  the  natives 
themselves  were  to  blame  for  the  losses,  since  they 
had  no  reason  to  fly,  thus  leaving  their  little  villages 
to  be  looted.  I  told  him,  however,  how  frequently 
they  suffered  from  the  depredation  of  passing  caravans, 
and  we  both  agreed  to  pay  compensation,  which  we 
were  enabled  to  do  through  our  Church  Missionary 
Society's  missionary,  Mr.  Wood,  who  lived  at 
Mamboya. 

Before  starting  next  morning  we  collected  all  the 
household  goods  we  could  find  in  the  camp  into  a 
great  heap,  and  I  waited  behind  until  both  caravans 
were  well  on  their  way  to  Mamboya,  to  see  that  the 
rightful  owners  recovered  the  lost  property,  and  not 
some  of  the  Wanyamvvezi  tribe,  who  had  a  village  in 
the  neighbourhood. 

I  was  rewarded  after  a  while  by  seeing  the  natives 
(Wamegi)  coming  down  the  hills,  and  appearing  like 
rabbits  from  their  burrows.  I  sat  quite  motionless 
at  a  little  distance  with  the  bicycle.  Soon  the  old 
women  were  busy  identifying  the  various  articles 
and  in  a  very  short  space  of  time  there  was  nothing 
left.       I    then    mounted    the    bicycle   and    rode    away. 

2 


i8  Arrive   at  Mamboya  [1891 

What  the  natives  thought  of  me  and  the  "  iron 
donkey  "  I  do  not  know,  but  I  was  soon  out  of  their 
ken,  and  a  little  later  I  reached  the  beautiful  district 
of  Mamboya,  where  the  caravan  was  by  this  time 
encamped. 


CHAPTER    II 

MAMBOYO  TO    USAMBIRO 


Death  of  Greaves— Muganda  Makali A  Rescue  Party -Booty 

recaptured— The  Iron  Donkey  again— Robbed  by  Highwaymen 
—A  widespread  Plague— Parting  Company— Attacked  by  the 
Tetze—The  Lord  of  Flies  -A  narrow  Escape—''  It  is  not  a 
Man"— Repairing  the  Bicycle— Mackay s  Grave— Men  who 
knezv  how  to  die. 


189 1 


CHAPTER    II 

MAMBOYA    TO    USAMBIRO 

A  PLEASANT  surprise  awaited  me  at  Mamboya 
for  an  hour  or  two  after  our  arrival  in  walked 
the  Rev.  E.  C.  Gordon,  an  old  companion  in  travel, 
and,  like  myself,  one  of  the  members  of  the  party 
of  missionaries  who  accompanied  the  late  Bishop 
Hannington  on  his  first  journey  to  the  Nyanza.  Gordon 
was  now  on  his  way  home  from  Uganda,  which  he  had 
left  some  two  months  previously. 

We  were  obliged  to  remain  at  Mamboya  for  eleven 
days,  waiting  for  Mr.  Roscoe  and  the  loads  which 
he  was  bringing  on,  and  which  we  had  been  forced 
to  leave  behind  us.  While  here  we  received  the 
mournful  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Greaves  at 
Zanzibar. 

Mamboya  is  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles 
from  the  coast  ;  the  scenery  surrounding  it  is  truly 
magnificent.  The  Church  Missionary  Society's  station 
is  high  on  the  hills  looking  down  on  rich  and  fertile 
valleys,  while  glorious  mountains  tower  far  above  the 
misson.  Here  a  pointed  peak  of  naked  rock  rises 
from    its    bed    of    living    green,    there   a   great   dome. 


2  2  Muganda  Makali  [1891 

wreathed  with  snow-white  clouds,  looms  through  the 
misty  morning  air. 

One  chiefest  charm  of  Mamboya  is  the  grand  view 
of  the  illimitable  expanse  of  the  vast  Masai  plain 
rolling  away  northward  to  the  far  horizon. 

Leaving  Mamboya,  we  made  our  way  through 
mountain  passes  to  Mpwapwa,  a  distance  of  fifty  or 
sixty  miles.  During  this  part  of  the  journey  I  found 
the  bicycle  of  little  use. 

Mpwapwa,  the  point  at  which  many  of  the  great 
caravan  routes  to  the  interior  converge,  is  an  important 
place,  and  is  a  station  of  the  German  Government.  On 
leaving  Mpwapwa  our  way  led  through  a  waterless 
wilderness,  the  Muganda  Makali  (bitter  water),  so 
called  from  the  strong  saline  springs  at  each  end  of  it. 

The  day  before  we  entered  this  wilderness,  which 
leads  to  Ugogo,  we  had  our  first  adventure  connected 
Vv'ith  African  highwaymen,  or  Ruga  ruga.  About  mid- 
day a  number  of  Wanyamwezi  travellers  came  into 
our  camp  looking  extremely  excited,  and  told  us  a  sad 
tale  of  murder  and  robbery.  They  said  that  shortly 
before  they  reached  our  camp  they  had  been  attacked 
by  a  number  of  predatory  Wahehe  (an  important  tribe 
in  this  region),  who  had  killed  their  leader,  and  carried 
off  two  tusks  of  ivory  and  between  thirty  and  forty 
goats  which  they  had  been  taking  to  the  coast.  I 
thought,  if  we  lost  no  time,  it  might  be  possible  to 
overtake  the  thieves,  who  probably  could  not  have 
got  away  very  far  with  their  booty.  The  poor 
fellows  were  delighted  when  they  saw  we  were  willing 
to   assist   them,   and    soon  a   band  of   volunteers    was 


1891]  A  Rescue  Party  23 

ready  to  start.  Wright,  Hubbard,  Collins,  and  myself, 
with  a  band  of  porters,  formed  the  rescue  party,  while 
Roscoe  stayed  behind  to  take  care  of  the  camp.  We 
started  at  a  rapid  pace,  but  I  had  not  run  more  than 
a  few  yards  when  my  mind  misgave  me  as  to  the 
scene  of  the  murder  being  quite  so  close  at  hand  as 
our  Wanyamwezi  friends  had  represented  it  to  be. 
At  any  rate,  I  thought  it  would  be  worth  while 
attempting  to  use  the  bicycle,  so  I  turned  back  for  the 
machine,  and  soon  overtook  my  companions.  Our 
guides  followed  a  perfectly  smooth  path  for  nearly 
six  miles,  keeping  up  a  good  round  pace.  Lest  I 
appear  a  monster  of  selfishness,  I  must  mention  that 
none  of  my  companions  knew  how  to  ride  a  bicycle, 
so  I  had  always  a  clear  conscience  when  I  saw  them 
panting  along,  as  at  present,  or  wearily  trudging 
forward  on  the  daily  march,  while  I  went  easily  on 
wheels. 

All  at  once  our  guides  stopped,  and  led  us  off  the 
beaten  track  into  the  bush.  The  bicycle  bearer  was 
now  called  into  requisition,  and  we  followed  our  guides 
out  into  the  plain.  We  saw  nothing,  however,  and 
could  not  distinguish  any  track  of  the  goats,  but  still 
our  guides  held  on.  Suddenly  we  heard  what  seemed 
the  bleat  of  a  kid,  but  to  our  disappointment  a  curious 
bird  rose  up  whose  singular  cry  had  deceived  us.  By 
this  time  we  were  approaching  a  scrubby  bit  of  ground, 
and  began  to  fear  we  had  come  on  a  wild-goose  chase, 
when  my  boy,  Songoro,  suddenly  shouted  "  Look 
there  !  "  and  soon  we  were  racing  at  full  speed  across 
the  plain,  and   in    a   few   moments    plunged    into   the 


24  Booty  Recaptured  [1891 

thicket,  where  we  suddenly  came  on  all  the  goats 
in  a  small  clearing.  On  one  side  lay  the  two  ivories, 
while  close  at  hand  was  a  large  calabash  of  fresh  water, 
which  the  robbers  had  left  in  their  hurried  flight.  The 
sight  of  an  armed  band  of  Europeans  had  terrified  them, 
and  they  fled,  leaving  their  ill-gotten  booty  behind 
them.  They  were,  probably,  as  I  have  said,  a  small 
band  of  the  great  Wahehe  tribe,  which  later  proved  so 
hostile  to  the  Germans,  almost  totally  annihilating  a 
large  military  expedition  of  the  latter.  Had  there 
been,  however,  any  large  muster  of  the  tribe  in  our 
vicinity,  we  should  almost  certainly  have  heard  of  it, 
so  that  our  little  relief  expedition  was  not  attended 
with  much  risk. 

Next  day  we  crossed  the  long  wilderness  of  Malenga 
Mkali,  some  thirty  miles  in  extent,  and  entered  Ugogo. 
Ugogo  is  a  thirsty  land,  a  land  of  sweeping  winds  and 
driving  dust,  an  inhospitable  land  of  poverty.  And 
yet  it  has  a  kind  of  indescribable  charm  about  it — 
the  spell  so  subtle  and  yet  so  strong  which  every 
part  of  Africa,  each  in  its  own  way,  and  after  its  own 
manner,  seems  to  weave  about  the  traveller's  imagina- 
tion, making  him  desire  to  return  to  it  as  the  moth 
returns  to  the  flame  that  destroys  it. 

Ugogo  is  a  country  consisting  of  forests  and  vast 
plains,  enclosed  by  mountain  ranges.  These  plains  are 
dotted  here  and  there  with  small  "  tembeys,"  or  villages. 
These  are  long,  low,  narrow,  mud-roofed  buildings  con- 
structed of  interlaced  wattles,  plastered  roughly  with 
clay,  which  form  a  square,  into  which  the  cattle  are 
driven    at    night.      Cultivation    is  carried    on,  and    the 


I 


iSgi]  The  Iroii  Donkey  Again  25 

people  are  also  keepers  of  cattle  and  goats.  The  huge 
Baobab  trees  which  dot  the  great  level  plains  are  a 
striking  feature  of  Ugogo.  These  trees  are  of  vast 
growth,  the  wood  soft  and  useless,  though  the  bark  is 
largely  used  for  making  trunks  or  bandboxes. 

The  women  of  this  country  are  modestly  clothed 
with  skins  ;  young  girls  wear  a  small  apron  of  bead-work 
or  cotton  cloth.  The  boys  *  and  men  are  naked, 
though  they  sometimes  have  a  leather  bib  in  front, 
covering  their  chests,  or  a  piece  of  leather  hanging 
behind  to  sit  upon.  They  pierce  their  ears,  and 
gradually  distend  the  lobe,  so  that  the  men  can  wear 
large  wooden  discs,  about  half  an  inch  thick,  and  about 
three  or  four  inches  in  circumference,  and  the  women  a 
smaller  kind,  often  beautifully  ornamented. 

As  I  was  passing  through  one  of  the  forests  with 
the  bicycle  I  met  a  party  of  natives  in  the  path.  On 
seeing  me  they  exhibited  the  wildest  terror,  flung  down 
their  calabashes  of  water  and  flour  and  other  articles, 
and  fled  right  and  left  among  the  trees.  I  stopped 
immediately,  and  called  to  one  elderly  warrior  not  to 
be  afraid.  He  came  near  with  much  caution.  When 
he  saw  that  I  laughed,  and  when  I  had  explained  that 
the  bicycle  was  only  an  "  iron  donkey "  (endogoi  ya 
kyuma),  he  was  greatly  reassured.  The  people  had 
heard  the  report  of  the  Germans'  machine  guns,  and  I 
suspect  thought  the  bicycle  was  something  of  the  same 
sort.      I    was    dreadfully   sorry    for    the    fright    I    had 

*  The  boys  are  circumcised  at  about  eleven  or  twelve  years 
of  age,  and  some  corresponding  rite  is  performed  on  the  girls  at 
the  same  period. 


26  Robbed  by  Highwaymen  [1891 

unwittingly  given,  and  for  the  broken  calabashes,  but 
the  caravan  was  far  behind,  and  I  had  nothing  with 
me  to  give  the  poor  frightened  creatures  to  make  good 
their  loss.  I  think  they  were  very  glad,  however,  to 
have  passed  me  without  having  been  butchered,  or,  at 
least,  bewitched. 

A  few  marches  further  on  we  had  a  more  unpleasant 
experience  of  highway  robbers  than  our  little  rescue 
expedition  had  proved. 

A  number  of  these  gentry  suddenly  rushed  out  upon 
the  caravan  from  the  thicket,  on  both  sides  of  the  path, 
uttering  shrill  war  cries,  and  brandishing  their  spears  in 
the  faces  of  the  frightened  porters,  some  of  whom  were 
women.  The  boxes  and  bales  went  down  like  a  peal 
of  thunder,  dropped  in  sudden  panic  by  the  terrified 
porters,  who  scattered  right  and  left.  The  robbers 
whipped  up  four  loads  before  any  of  the  white  men 
could  arrive  upon  the  scene,  and  vanished  with  them 
into  the  thicket  as  quickly  as  they  had  come. 

The  wily  carriers  improved  the  occasion  by  reproach- 
ing me  for  not  having  served  out  gunpowder  to  them, 
asserting  that  had  I  done  so  they  would  have  valiantly 
defended  the  loads.  Gunpowder  and  gun-caps  mean  a 
handy  little  bit  of  ready  money  in  East  Africa.  I  was 
informed  that  the  method  robbers  employ  is  for  one  of 
their  number  to  secrete  himself  in  the  branches  of  a  tree 
near  the  path,  and  if  he  sees  a  weak  place  in  the 
caravan  which  the  band  intends  to  rob,  or  a  wide 
interval  between  the  porters,  as  often  happens  during 
a  long  march,  when  many  become  tired  out  and  lag 
behind,  he  gives  a  whistle  like  the  call  of  a  bird,  and  his 


1891]  A    Widespread  Plague  27 

concealed  companions  then  rush  out.  On  this  occasion 
one  of  the  men  behaved  with  great  coolness,  and  saved 
his  load.  He  sat  on  the  box  he  had  been  carrying,  and 
when  a  warrior  came  to  despoil  him  he  raised  his 
empty  gun.  Once  or  twice  the  robbers  made  at  him,  but 
each  time  his  threatening  gesture  and  firmness  made 
them  sheer  off. 

All  along  the  line  of  march,  but  in  Ugogo  especially, 
we  came  on  hundreds  of  dead  cattle.  The  plague  had 
swept  the  whole  country  from  Uganda  to  the  east  coast, 
but  strange  to  say,  passing  over  the  Sesse  Islands  in 
the  Nyanza,  as  if  the  water  were  in  some  way  a  barrier 
to  the  infection.  Buffalo,  giraffe,  and  other  big  game 
had  also  suffered  severely  from  the  disease. 

It  took  fifteen  days  to  pass  through  Ugogo  counting 
Sundays  and  other  resting  days.  We  emerged  from 
this  country  by  climbing  the  mountain  wall  which  leads 
to  the  still  higher  plateau  of  Unyamwezi,  between 
which  region  and  Ugogo  lies  the  Muganda  Makali,  the 
"  Terrible  Garden,"  a  long  wilderness  which  occupies 
six  days  to  pass  through.  On  each  side  of  this  wilder- 
ness are  settlements  of  the  Watuturu  tribe — a  very 
good-looking  people,  who  have  long  silky  hair,  and  the 
better  types  of  them  have  handsome,  regular  features, 
like  the  royal  Wahuma  tribe,  whom  they  resemble  in 
being  cattle-keepers."^ 

We  reached  the  far  side  of  the  Muganda  Makali 
in  safety,  and  entered  Unyamwezi.  the  country  of  the 
great  carrying  tribe  of  East  Africa.     Here  we  found  our 

*  The  Watuturu,  like   the    Wagogo,    Wakamba,  and  Masai, 
practise  the  rite  of  circumcision,  but  not  the  Wahuma. 


28  Parting  Company  [1891 

supply  of  the  calico  cloth  used  for  buying  food 
so  short,  that  it  became  necessary  to  purchase  a  fresh 
stock. 

We  had  reached  a  point  not  more  than  a  week's 
journey  from  Unyanyembe,  the  important  Arab  trading 
centre  now  in  the  hands  of  the  German  Government. 
We  therefore  decided  that  the  caravan  should  move  on, 
while  I  should  strike  in  a  more  westerly  direction 
towards  Unyanyembe,  taking  with  me  a  few  men  to 
carry  the  small  bales  of  cloth,  which  I  should  be 
able  to  obtain  from  the  Arab  merchants.  I  was  to 
rejoin  the  others  at  the  large  district  of  Usongo,  where 
an  old  friend,  the  ivory  trader  Stokes,  had  his  head- 
quarters. 

My  way  lay  through  the  forest  desert,  where  years 
before  a  midnight  lion  adventure  had  befallen  us  on 
my  first  journey  to  the  Nyanza  with  Hannington,  so 
humorously  described  by  the  Bishop  in  his  Journal.* 
But  though  I  neither  saw  nor  heard  lions  I  was  the 
victim  of  the  attack  of  creatures  not  so  large  as  lions, 
but  much  more  ferocious.  I  mean  the  tetze  fly — fatal 
to  domestic  cattle,  and  most  hostile  to  men.  The  first 
day  of  my  journey  to  Unyanyembe  I  did  not  leave 
camp  until  late,  but  the  following  morning  I  started 
before  sunrise,  and,  mounting  the  bicycle,  was  soon  far 
ahead  of  my  little  party,  whom  I  intended  to  wait  for 
under  some  wayside  tree.  I  soon  learned,  by  experience, 
that  when  there  is  a  company  of  people  the  flies  dis- 
tribute their  favours  ;  but  if  there  is  only  one  solitary 
wretch  by  himself  he  may  expect  something  extremely 

*  "  James  Hannington,"  p.  22"]. 


1891]  Attacked  by  the   Tetze  29 

unpleasant.*  Bloodthirstiness  is  a  mild  term  to  express 
the  frightful  craving  for  blood  which  characterises  these 
pests — flies  only  a  little  larger  than  the  common 
house-fly,  but  somewhat  longer  and  of  a  light  grey 
colour.  They  have  a  long,  hollow,  needle-like  pro- 
boscis in  a  kind  of  sheath,  which  opens  to  display 
the  weapon  with  which  they  stab,  and  through  which 
they  suck  the  blood  of  their  victim.  The  sensation 
they  cause  is  at  first  like  the  faintest  prick  of  a 
very  fine  needle.  The  tetze,  however,  has  a  great 
advantage  over  the  mosquito,  in  that  its  prick  leaves 
no  irritation. 

The  flies  came  about  me  in  dozens,  and  I  was 
streaming  with  blood  in  several  places.  I  killed  them 
in  scores,  but  it  was  a  continual  battle ;  they  grew 
fiercer  as  the  sun  became  hotter,  till  at  length  what 
at  first  had  seemed  merely  an  intolerable  nuisance 
began  to  assume  an  aspect  which  was  absolutely 
horrible.  What  if  I  should  become  faint,  and  unable 
to  continue  the  battle  with  them.  They  might  drain 
a  man  as  dry  as  a  red  herring.  I  had  been  told  a 
fearful  tale  of  a  traveller,  in  Iceland  who,  with  his 
horse,  had  been  actually  eaten  alive  by  flies,  the  flies 
finishing  both  man  and  horse  in  one  day.  What  if 
these  tigerish  pests  should  actually  make  an  end  of 
me  !  Between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  I  had  accomplished 
about  twenty  miles,  and  so   I   determined  to  dismount, 

*  I  believe  it  not  unlikely  that  large  heads  of  domestic  cattle, 
or  numbers  of  horses  together,  might  be  brought  in  safety  through 
a  fly  district,  where  one  or  two  would  suffer  so  much  as  to  lead  to 
their  death.  It  is  remarkable  that  big  game,  which  is  always 
found  in  herds,  does  not  suffer  from  the  fly  fatally. 


30  The  Lord  of  Flies  [1891 

since  I  found  that  guiding  the  bicycle  and   keeping  in 

the  narrow  path  prevented  my  dealing  in  a  satisfactory 

manner  with  my  persistent  enemies*     In  getting  down, 

however,  my  hat  fell  off,  and  in  an  instant  my  head, 

which    was    closely    cropped,    was    covered    with     the 

enemy.      1  recovered  my  hat,  wheeled  the  bicycle  with 

one  hand,  which  was  being  bitten   all  the  time,  while 

I  battled  with  the  other  till  I  reached  a  tree.*      Here, 

freed   from    the    bicycle,   I    renewed    the    engagement 

with  vigour,  and,  to  my  great  joy,  after  I   had  killed 

a  few  dozen  of  the  flies,  they  seemed  to  become  more 

shy.      I  now  lighted  a  great  fire  with  a  box  of  matches 

which  I  always  carried  in  my  pocket.      The  wind   blew 

the  hot  flames  near  me  ;  and  though  the  sun  beat  down 

from  above,  I  preferred  the  heat  to  the  enraged  foe. 

Under  these  conditions  I   battled  with  the  enemy  for 

something  like  three  mortal  hours.      As  the  tetze  grew 

less  persistent  in  their  attacks  their  place  was  taken 

by  the  small  common  house-fly,  and  for  the  first  time 

in  my  life  I  was  quite  pleased  to  see  them.      Presently 

a  new  winged  foe  came  up  in   the  shape  of  a  minute 

bee-like   fly,   which    makes    straight    for   the    eyes,   no 

doubt    attracted    by  the    moisture.       The    late    Bishop 

Hannington  once  remarked  that  he  never  understood, 

until  he  came  to  Africa,  the   meaning  of  "  Beelzebub, 

lord     of    flies."      And     on     this     occasion    Beelzebub 

certainly   attacked    me  with  as    much  vigour    as    ever 

*  One  of  those  gigantic  spurges  which  are  common  in  this 
region.  In  some  districts  the  natives  dread  to  sit  under  them, 
saying'  it  is  unlucky,  and  the  milky  sap  is  said  to  be  used  as 
poison.  None  of  my  followers,  however,  seemed  to  have  any 
superstition  about  this  tree. 


1 89 1]  A  Narrow  Escape  31 

the  devil  did  Luther.  While  I  was  enduring  this 
-waking  nightmare  of  flies  my  men  came  up.  By  this 
time  it  was  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  I  had 
begun  to  fear  I  had  come  too  far,  and  passed  the 
water  and  camping-place  by  mistake,  but  the  men 
said  it  was  not  so.  I  was  able  to  give  them  some 
water  which  I  carried  in  two  tins,  which  I  had  slung 
to  the  bicycle  ;  and  so,  after  the  men  had  rested  for 
a  while,  we  resumed  our  journey,  but  did  not  reach 
our  camp  till  evening  ;  and  even  then  we  could 
not  obtain  enough  water  to  cook  our  food,  but  had 
to  go  some  three  or  four  miles  to  find  the  precious 
liquid. 

The  following  day  I  narrowly  escaped  a  disagreeable 
accident.  While  taking  our  mid-day  rest  the  men 
set  fire  to  the  grass  and  scrub,  and  as  the  flame  went 
rolling  away  into  the  forest,  in  its  course  it  burned 
away  the  trunk  of  a  half-rotten  tree  near  the  path,  so 
that  it  was  exactly  timed  to  come  crashing  down  as  I 
passed  by  on  the  bicycle.  I  saw  too  late  as  I  came  up 
to  it  that  the  tree  was  in  the  act  of  falling ;  but  I  could 
not  stop  myself  It  was  a  moment  like  a  nightmare, 
but  I  kept  on,  and  the  falling  giant  just  missed  me, 
though  I  could  feel  the  wind  of  it  as  it  crashed  down 
behind. 

But  I  was  not  destined  to  reach  Unyanyembe 
without  accident,  for  the  very  next  day,  while  tighten- 
ing one  of  the  bearings  of  the  front  wheel  of  the  bicycle, 
the  end  of  the  fork,  which  had  been  slightly  cracked, 
broke  completely  off,  and  the  machine  became  perfectly 
useless.      I  had,  therefore,  to  come  down  to  tramping. 


32  "  It  is  not  a  Man  "  [1891 

The  disabled  bicycle  was  now  carried  by  the  porters 
whom  I  had  taken  to  convey  the  cloth  I  hoped  to  buy 
from  the  Arabs,  I  had  great  hopes  of  finding  a 
Zanzibar  blacksmith  at  Unyanyembe  or  Taborah,  as 
the  Arab  settlement  is  called,  who  would  be  able  to 
repair  the  damage. 

While  still  some  distance  off  I  fell  in  with  Mr. 
Deekes,  one  of  our  missionaries  on  his  way  home 
from  Nassa.  He  had  been  with  Mackay  during  his  last 
illness,  the  melancholy  details  of  which  he  related 
to  me.  Deekes  himself  had  suffered  much  from 
this  deadly  Usambiro  fever,  and  was  on  his  way  home 
for  a  much-needed  change.  As  he  required  a  few 
necessaries  for  his  coastvvard  march  he  came  with  me 
to  Taborah,  where,  on  arrival,  we  were  courteously 
received  by  the  German  Governor,  Mr.  Siegel,  as  well 
as  by  the  Arab  merchant  from  whom  our  purchases 
were  to  be  made. 

Mr.  Siegel  and  I  had  some  conversation  upon  African 
character  in  general,  and'  the  Wanyamwezi  people  in 
particular.  His  verdict  was  frightfully  against  the 
Africans.  Of  the  Wanyamwezi,  he  said,  "  It  is  not  a 
man  ;  it  has  not  the  feelings  of  a  human  being."  I 
thought  he  spoke  rather  more  strongly  than  he  felt. 
Presently  he  produced  the  picture  of  a  fair  European 
lady  and  a  young  black  girl  by  her  side.  The  lady 
was  his  wife.  The  picture  was  all  on  my  side,  so  I 
knew  that  Mr.  Siegel  agreed  with  me  more  than  he 
allowed.  I  was  gratified  to  hear,  that  after  visiting 
Europe,  on  his  return  to  Taborah  his  wife  accompanied 
him  ;  and  from   what   I   saw  myself,    and    heard    from 


iSgi]  Repairing  the  Bicycle  33 

others,  I  should  say  he  was  one  of  the  most  successful 
Governors  of  the  Imperial  German  East  African  staff. 

At  Taborah  I  was  fortunate  in  finding  a  blacksmith, 
and  he  and  I,  between  us,  were  successful  in  repairing 
the  broken  bicycle.  Meanwhile,  the  bargain  for  the 
required  calico  was  satisfactorily  concluded  with  the 
Arabs,  and  we  bid  farewell  to  Taborah.  Deekes  and 
I  parted  here — he  for  his  long  tramp  to  the  coast,  and 
I  to  join  my  companions  at  Usongo,  which  I  reached, 
with  the  help  of  the  bicycle,  a  few  days  later, 
September    19th. 

Usongo  is  the  chief  town  in  a  very  populous  district 
— a  district  which,  when  I  passed  through  it  last, 
had  suffered  from  a  hostile  raid,  and  instead  of  smiling 
cornfields  and  pleasant  villages  was  a  howling  wilder- 
ness, dotted  here  and  there  with  blackened  ruins.  But 
now,  once  more  the  villages  were  rebuilt,  and  the  land 
cultivated.  The  king's  village  was  enclosed  by  low, 
solid,  mud-roofed,  "  wattle-and-daub  "  houses,  forming 
a  large  square  within  which  was  a  second  stockade, 
enclosing  several  of  the  conical-roofed,  circular  houses, 
built  with  a  wide  verandah  all  round.  These  houses 
have  a  rough  attempt  at  comfort.  Some  of  them 
are  very  clean,  and  are  furnished  with  bedsteads 
covered  with  skins,  and  with  low  wooden  stools. 
Hospitality  is  a  characteristic  of  these  people.  It 
is  the  custom  of  the  Unyamwezi,  when  they  make 
war,  on  preparing  for  hostilities  to  put  patches  of  white 
clay  upon  their  faces.  The  curious  body  dance  is 
common  among  the  women,  who  contort  and  twist 
themselves    in    a    rhythmic     dance     to    the    incessant 

3 


34  Mackays  Grave  [1891 

sound  of  two  drums  beaten  by  women.  The  girls 
gradually  work  themselves  up  into  a  kind  of  ecstatic 
state,  gradually  approaching  the  male  bystanders,  until 
one  of  the  dancers  touches  the  person  whom  she 
selects,  who  is  then  expected  to  give  her  some  small 
present.* 

Leaving  Usongo,  we  followed  Speke's  old  route  for 
ten. days  through  Nindo  and  Salawe,  and  on  October 
1st,  1 89 1 ,  reached  Usambiro,  the  now  abandoned  Church 
Missionary  Society's  station,  and  the  scene  of  Mackay's 
latest  labours.  How  desolate  and  deserted  the  place 
seemed.  No  echo  of  clanging  anvil  and  clinking 
hammer  broke  the  stillness,  no  sound  of  busy  life  and 
pleasant  work,  for  the  chief  workman  was  gone  ;  no 
kindly  smile  of  welcome  as  there  had  been  when 
Walker t  and  I  had  arrived  at  Usambiro  in  1887.  I 
had  passed  on  ahead  of  the  caravan  with  the  bicycle, 
and  on  reaching  the  station  my  first  act  was  to  go  to  the 
little  burial  ground,  now  containing  three  new  graves. 
Mackay's  last  resting  place  was  marked  by  a  rude 
wooden  cross  surmounting  the  heap  of  stones  which 
covered  the  grave.  I  knew  that  he  whose  body  had 
been  laid  here  had  been  misrepresented,  unappreciated, 
misunderstood — not  indeed  by  Christian  England, 
which  broadly  looked  upon  his  noble  life,  and  which 
rightly  estimated  him  as  worthy  to  be  reckoned  with 
such  names  as  Carey,  Livingstone,  Moffat,  and  Selwyn, 
but  by  those  whose  privilege    it   might  have  been   to 

*  This  practice  among  the  people  nearer  the  Nyanza  has,  I 
have  been  given  to  understand,  an  improper  significance. 
t  Archdeacon  Walker,  missionary  in  Uganda. 


i89i]  Men  ivho  Know  Hoiv  to  Die  35 

help  him,  sympathise  with  him,  and  generously  support 
him.  How  little  his  committee  really  understood  him 
may  appear  in  the  fact,  a»  he  had  often  told  me 
himself,  that  four  separate  times  they  endeavoured,  on 
more  or  less  frivolous  charges,  to  remove  him  from  his 
work  by  recalling  him  home.* 

I  turned  sadly  from  these  graves — two  of  them  of 
men  whom  I  did  not  know,!  and  of  whom  the  world 
knew  nothing,  and  the  Church  only  that  they,  as  well 
as  Mackay,  Bishop  Parker,  and  Blackburn,  knew  how 
to  die. 

*  Mr.  Eugene  Stock  was  always  on  Mackay's  side,  and 
strongly  opposed  his  recall. 

t  Mr.  H.  J.  Hunt,  who  died  November  14th,  1890,  and  the 
Rev.  J.  W.  Dunn,  who  died  November  21st,  1S90. 


CHAPTER    III 

USAMBIRO   TO    UGANDA 


Two  Problems — Removing  Stores  to  Nassa —  The  Overland  Route — 
Methods  of  Travel — Lions  as  travelling  Companions — Wild 
Animals  which  I  saw — The  Bicycle  in  Request — Sunrise  on 
Kiyanja — Arrival  at  Bukoba — King  Mutatembwa — A  curious 
Superstition —  On  Uganda  Ground  once  more. 


i89i] 


CHAPTER    III 

USAMBIRO   TO    UGANDA 

FOR  the  next  few  days  we  were  busy  paying  off 
our  caravan,  and  providing  the  carriers  with  calico 
for  food  money  to  take  them  back  again  to  Zanzibar. 
Their  agreement  with  us  was  now  concluded.  Very  few 
of  them  had  abused  the  somewhat  harsh  terms  they 
had  exacted  from  us  by  running  away  ;  they  were  all 
anxious  to  return  to  their  beloved  Unguja  (Zanzibar)  ; 
and  at  any  rate,  we  could  not  afford  to  keep  more  than 
one  or  two  of  them  to  help  in  organising  the  expedition 
from   Usambiro  to  Uganda. 

We  now  found  ourselves  face  to  face  with  two  some- 
what difficult  problems — the  first,  how  to  reach 
Uganda  ;  and  the  second,  how  to  carry  out  the  decision 
of  the  Church  Missionary  Society  to  abandon  the 
Usambiro  station,  the  buildings  of  which,  indeed,  were 
all  tumbling  into  ruin,  and  how,  and  to  what  place, 
to  remove  all  the  valuable  property  stored  in  the 
rickety   mission   buildings. 

The  first  question  of  how  we  should  reach  UgErtida 
was  partly  met  by  our  having  secured  the  use  of  a 
boat    belonging    to    Mr.    Stokes,    the    trader,   the   old 


40 


Removing  Stores  to  Nassa 


[1891 


mission  boat  having  become  a  total  wreck,  and  the 
new  vessel,  the  James  Hanningtoji,  had  not  yet  been 
placed  on  the  Lake.  Hence,  we  had  only  boat  accom- 
modation for  two  Europeans  ;  and  so  it  was  decided 
that  Wright  and  Collins  should  go  in  the  boat  as  soon 
as   possible,    and    that    Roscoe    and    I    should    remain 


THE    MISSION    BUILDINGS    AT    NASSA,-ON    SPEKE    GULF. 


behind,  pack  up  and  send  the  heavy  iron  goods  to 
Nassa,  on  Speke  Gulf,  the  station  to  which  Mr.  Hubbard, 
already  mentioned,  had  been  appointed. 

When  the  work  of  removing  the  Church  Missionary 
Society  stores  up  to  Nassa  was  finished,  Roscoe  and  I 
hoped  to  accomplish  the  journey  by  land  to  Uganda, 
going  by  the  western  shore  of  the  Lake,  and  carrying 
with  us  the   less    bulky  and    most   valuable   property, 


1 89 1]  The  Overland  Route  41 

containing,  among  other  valuable  articles,  some  scientific 
instruments  and  several  cases  of  drugs.  This  costly 
journey  was  necessary,  since  it  was  almost  impossible 
to  obtain  canoes.  The  Roman  Catholic  faction  in 
Uganda  had,  somehow  or  other,  succeeded  in  getting 
hold  of  nearly  all  the  boats  on  the  Lake,  and  hence 
it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  our  missionaries 
could  get  any  canoes  at  all.  So  much  was  this  the 
case,  that  many  of  the  English  missionaries  in  Uganda 
had  been  waiting  eighteen  months  for  their  necessary 
stores,  which  were  lying  at  Usambiro.  A  fortnight 
after  our  arrival,  Dr.  Wright  and  Collins  started  for 
Uganda,  leaving  Roscoe  and  me  alone  to  our  work 
of  packing  up  the  goods  and  organising  the  caravan, 
Hubbard  having  already  left  for  Nassa. 

Our  preparations  for  the  journey  to  Uganda  were 
nearly  completed,  when,  on  November  6th,  twelve 
canoes,  which  had  been  sent  by  our  missionary  friends 
at  Mengo,  arrived  to  take  us  across  the  Lake.  The 
canoes,  however,  were  very  small,  and  not  capable  of 
containing  one-tenth  of  our  loads,  so  that  we  decided 
that  Roscoe  should  avail  himself  of  the  water  transit, 
while  I  should  take  the  caravan  round  the  western 
shore  of  the  Lake,  as  already  arranged.  So  I  bid 
Roscoe  farewell,  and  started  on  a  journey  which  was 
destined  to  have  a  somewhat  disastrous  conclusion. 

I  had  with  me  two  Zanzibari  headmen — Mnubi,  who 
had  acted  in  this  capacity  on  the  march  to  the  Nyanza, 
and  Hamesi,  a  tailor.  I  had  also  a  young  Wanyamwezi 
headman,  with  fifteen  porters,  who  had  agreed  to 
accompany  me  to  Uganda,  while  as  guide   I  obtained 


42 


MetJiods  of  Travel 


[1891 


the  services  of  the  headman  of  a  small  village  close 
to  the  mission  station  at  Usambiro,  whom  I  had  known 
years  before.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  I  had  only 
fifteen  regular  carriers  for  the  two  hundred  loads  which 
I   had   to  convey  to   Uganda.      My  plan  was  to  move 


REV.     E.     H.     HUBBARD    AT    NASSA. 


from  district  to  district,  hiring  fresh  porters  at  every 
place  I  came  to.  This  was  an  undertaking  of  much 
difficulty,  and  yet,  owing  in  great  measure,  I  think,  to 
the  fear  which  the  natives  entertained  for  the  Germans, 
who  had  lately  occupied  this  region — a  fear  which  all 
Europeans,  more  or  less,  shared  with  them.  The  chiefs 
on  the  road  treated  me  with  the  greatest  respect,  and 


1 89 1]         Lions  as   Travelling  Companions  43 

in  return  for  the  presents  I  gave  them  provided  porters 
to  carry  my  loads.  These  porters  I  paid  with  caHco, 
at  so  much  per  head.  I  think  the  possession  of  the 
bicycle  proved  a  strong  point  in  my  favour,  for  the 
people  suspected  it  to  be  a  machine  gun — and,  at 
any  rate,  were  quite  certain  that  it  was  a  piece  of 
the  white  man's  magic.  But  to  whatever  I  owed  it 
I  happily  succeeded  in  accomplishing  the  journey  to 
within  a  few  days  of  the  German  station  of  Bukoba, 
near  the  frontier  of  Uganda.  As  soon  as  the  German 
officers  heard  of  my  approach  they  sent  to  my 
assistance,  and  for  several  marches  transported  the 
whole  caravan  free  of  cost. 

The  route  I  followed  was  for  some  distance  that  by 
which  Stanley  had  reached  Usambiro  on  his  latest 
journey.  I  was  still  able  to  use  the  bicycle,  though, 
as  1  neared  Uganda,  the  hills  and  swampy  valleys 
made  that  method  of  locomotion  more  and  more 
difficult. 

While  journeying  between  Usambiro  proper  and  a 
place  called  Bumbeke  I  had  a  novel,  and  I  think  I 
may  call  it  an  unique  experience.  One  morning,  at 
about  ten  o'clock,  I  was  far  ahead  of  the  porters,  and 
was  moving  along  upon  the  bicycle  over  a  fairly  good 
path,  when  my  attention  was  suddenly  attracted  by 
hearing  some  large  animals  galloping  by  my  side.  I 
was  marking  my  path  carefully  at  the  time,  but  on 
looking  to  my  right  hand,  where  the  animals  were,  I 
discovered  that  the  creatures  which  were  accompanying 
me  were  three  magnificent  lions.  Though  I  had 
heard  the  roar  of  lions  close  at  hand  in  the  darkness, 


44  Wild  Animals  which  I  Saw  [1891 

I  had  never  before  actually  seen  one  face  to  face. 
My  novel  companions  kept  up  with  me,  going  parallel 
with  me  for  about  a  hundred  yards.  They  were 
distant  some  twenty  or  thirty  yards.  Presently  they 
stood  still,  looked  at  me  for  a  moment,  and  then 
slowly  bounded  off  at  a  right  angle,  from  time  to 
time  stopping  and  looking  back,  till  they  finally 
disappeared  in  the  long  grass,  while  I  held  on  my 
way.  My  men,  when  they  came  up,  discovered,  not 
far  from  the  path,  the  partially  devoured  carcase  of 
a  zebra,  which  the  lions  had  pulled  down.  My  silent 
and  sudden  appearance  had  disturbed  them  at  their 
feast,  and,  I  doubt  not,  the  extraordinary  vision  of  the 
bicycle  had  given  them  fright.  I  did  not  feel  any 
alarm  myself,  for  such  creatures,  however  dangerous 
they  may  be  if  on  the  defensive,  seldom  attack  human 
beings  unless  they  can  come  up  to  them,  silently,  and 
spring  unseen  from  behind.  There  is  a  great  deal  of 
game  in  the  region  round  the  Lake.  The  wild  animals 
which  I  saw  in  this  district  included  zebra,  giraffe, 
rhinoceros,  ostrich,  and  various  kinds  of  antelope. 

On  November  i8th,  after  a  week's  journey  in  a 
westward  direction,  I  came  once  more  to  the  Nyanza. 
Formerly  it  was  not  known  that  the  Lake  came  down 
to  this  point,  Ukome,  until  Stanley's  latest  discovery. 
The  country  was  very  beautiful.  I  spent  ten  days 
here  with  a  little  chief  called  Roga  while  waiting 
for  my  scattered  caravan  to  come  up.  The  boy  chief 
was  intensely  interested  in  the  bicycle,  and  was 
continually  bringing  me  some  one  to  race  with.  He 
would  come,  saying,  "  See,  I  have  brought  you  a  man  ; 


iSgi]  The  Bicycle  in  Request  ^y 

he  is  a  very  good  runner  ;  try  if  you  can  beat  him." 
There  was  a  good  piece  of  pathway  close  at  hand, 
and  whether  it  was  the  speed  of  the  bicycle,  or  the 
modesty  of  my  competitors,  it  always  happened  that 
they  were  the  first  to  give  up. 

My  friend  the  little  chief  willingly  supplied  me  with 
carriers,  and,  leaving  his  village,  we  passed  on,  still 
in  view  of  the  Lake,  to  a  beautiful  place  called 
Nyamirembe,  opposite  an  island  called  Bugando. 
The  bicycle  was  still  in  request,  and  most  useful. 
The  people  in  this  district  are  not  of  a  very  high 
type,  but  the  chiefs  seem  more  or  less  of  the  Wahuma 
race.  The  men  and  young  girls  do  not  wear  clothing. 
Still  continuing  by  the  Lake,  I  came  to  a  country  called 
Kimwanyi,  of  which  an  old  chief  named  Kazuma  was 
king.  I  had  sent  messengers  on  ahead  to  him  to  ask 
for  porters,  which,  to  my  great  surprise  and  delight, 
he  sent,  and  more  than  a  hundred  men  returned  with 
my  messengers.  I  spent  some  days  with  Kazuma, 
and  then  made  my  way  into  the  magnificent  country 
of  Ihangero,  called  by  the  people  of  Uganda,  Jangero, 
and  ruled  by  a  Wahuma  king,  Nyalubamba.  He 
certainly  was  one  of  the  most  dignified  men  I 
have  seen — handsome,  tall,  and  proud,  yet  courteous 
and  polite.  He  was  highly  pleased  with  my  per- 
formance on  the  bicycle.  The  king  in  these  countries 
sits  in  front  of  his  chiefs,  and  not  as  in  Uganda, 
where  the  chiefs  sit  facing  the  king,  or  else  in 
rows  on  both  sides.  Many  travellers  have  spoken  of 
the  glory  of  African  sunsets,  but  at  Nyalubamba's  I 
saw  a  sunrise  more  gorgeous  than  any  I  can  remember. 


48  Sunrise  on  Kiyanja  [1891 

Some  distant  hills,  called  Kiyanja,  were  illumined  with 
a  splendour  so  strange  and  beautiful,  that  one  might 
dream  that  it  shone  from  that  "  City  which  has  the 
Glory  of  God,  whose  light  is  like  a  stone  most  precious 
as  it  were  a  jasper  stone  clear  as  crystal." 

From  Kazuma's  I  had  sent  to  Bukoba,  to  tell  the 
German  officer,  Captain  Langheld,  of  my  approach. 
He  at  once  sent  his  second  in  command,  Sergeant- 
Major  Kiihne,  to  meet  me.  This  gentleman  showed 
me  the  very  greatest  kindness,  and  at  once  relieved 
me  of  all  further  care  and  anxiety  as  to  the  caravan. 
Mr,  Kiihne  and  I  had  our  Christmas  dinner  here. 
Our  medium  of  communication  was  Swahili.  He 
told  me  of  one  or  two  hairbreadth  escapes  when 
attacking  African  stockades  ;  and  how  on  one  occa- 
sion, when  he  felt  his  small  following  must  be 
overpowered,  he  took  out  his  notebook  to  scrawl  a 
hurried  line  of  farewell  to  his  mother.  But  on  that 
occasion  he  escaped,  and  lived  to  reach  the  Father- 
land, where  he  only  stayed,  however,  a  {^^  months, 
and  returned  once  more  to  Africa,  to  fall  at  last 
fighting  before  a  stockaded   village. 

Christmas  Day  was  brightened  by  the  arrival  from 
Uganda  of  a  young  sub-chief,  with  some  dozen 
followers,  who  had  been  sent  all  this  distance  to 
meet  me,  and  to  welcome  me.  Letters  came  also 
from  my  friend  Walker,  now  living  at  Masaka,  the 
capital  of  Budu,  and  the  seat  cf  the  important  chief 
Pokino  Sebwato  (Nikodemo),  the  foremost  man  among 
the  Protestants  of  Uganda,  and  practically  their  leader. 

On  passing  out  of  Ihangero  we  reached  the  country 


1 89 1]  Arrival  at  Bukoba  49 

of  a  chief  named  Kahigi  or  Kaizi — healthy  highlands 
overlooking  the  Lake,  while  westward  was  a  fine  view 
of  a  hilly  plateau,  which  terminated  in  a  sudden 
declivity.  We  could  see  in  the  distance  a  sparkling 
stream  pour  its  waters  over  the  rocks,  a  sheer  fall  of 
between  one  and  two  hundred  feet. 

At  the  end  of  December  we  reached  Bukoba,  where 
I  was  kindly  welcomed  by  Captain  Langheld,  who 
gave  me  hospitality  for  nine  days.  From  here  I  sent 
letters  to  Walker  to  tell  him  of  my  arrival  at  Bukoba, 
and  then  prepared  to  wait  patiently  for  the  Uganda 
canoes  or  the  carriers,  whom  I  hoped  he  would  be  able 
to  send  for  the  loads  which  I  had  with  me.  The 
German  fort  was  built  in  the  territory  of  the  Baziba, 
a  large  nation  bordering  on  Uganda,  but,  unlike  Uganda, 
under  a  number  of  independent  kings,  or  Bakama,  as 
they  are  called.  Mukotanyi  was  the  name  of  the  king 
near  whose  chief  village  the  German  fort  had  been 
built.  It  commanded  a  view  of  the  Nyanza  looking 
east,  while  far  v/est  were  the  hills  of  Karagwe. 

My  time  at  Bukoba  passed  pleasantly.  I  succeeded 
in  teaching  both  my  kindly  entertainers  to  ride  on  the 
bicycle,  while  I  was  able  to  contribute  to  their  amuse- 
ment in  the  evenings  by  producing  a  musical  box  which 
I  had  with  me,  and  which  played  a  large  number  of 
tunes.  Our  conversation  naturally  turned  on  Uganda, 
and  my  German  hosts  were  not  very  sparing  of  their 
criticisms  of  the  action  of  the  English  Company's 
officers  ;  and  it  certainly  did  appear  very  strange  to 
me,  knowing  as  I  did  the  strong  and  loyal  following 
they    had    in    the  country,  that   they  should    hold    the 

4 


50  King  Mutatembiva  [1892 

weak  position  which  my  hosts  imphed  that  they 
occupied.  I  had  not  been  very  long  in  Uganda  itself 
when  I  discovered  the  reason  for  such  an  unsatis- 
factory condition  of  affairs  ;.  but  enough  of  this  for 
the  present. 

In  the  month  of  January  I  left  Bukoba,  accompanied 
by  Captain  Langheld,  who  intended  to  pay  a  visit  to 
a  frontier  chief,  named  Mutatembwa,  whose  territory 
lay  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Kagera  River,  which  is 
the  geographical  boundary  dividing  the  English  and 
German  spheres  in  this  region.  The  second  day  from 
Bukoba  brought  us  to  Mutatembwa's  capital.  The 
Germans  had  previously  had  a  fight  with  the  people  of 
this  chief,  but  their  arms  of  precision,  and  the  fact 
of  Mutatembawa's  political  isolation,  soon  brought  the 
fighting. to  an  end,  and  the  chief  was  glad  to  come  to 
terms  with  the  white  strangers,  by  paying  five  hundred 
head  of  cattle  and  a  considerable  amount  of  ivory. 
Captain  Langheld's  visit  on  the  present  occasion  was  of 
a  friendly  and  a  complimentary  character.  The  chief 
collected  something  like  two  thousand  of  his  warriors  in 
honour  of  his  guest,  and  came  himself  from  his  village 
to  pay  a  visit  of  state.  He  wore  upon  his  head  a  tall 
beaded  crown,  which  seemed  to  have  a  continual 
tendency  to  fall  off.  Two  warriors,  one  at  each  side 
of  him,  held  a  long  shield  so  as  to  protect  his  person. 
He  seemed  very  suspicious,  uneasy,  and  nervous,  but 
he  could  not  restrain  his  admiration  and  surprise  on 
seeing  a  donkey  we  had  brought  with  us  ;  but  his 
astonishment   knew  no  bounds  when   the  bicycle  was 


1892]  A  Curious  Superstition  51 

produced,  and  I  mounted  and  showed  him  how  it 
was  used.  I  also  showed  him  the  musical  box,  which 
so  impressed  him  that  he  sent  to  borrow  it,  and  offered, 
if  I  would  sell  it,  to  give  me  a  tusk  of  ivory  (worth 
about  i^2  5).  A  few  more  days,  and  I  had  lost  the 
musical  box,  with  most  of  my  other  property,  including 
the  bicycle  ! 

That  night  the  king's  great  drums  were  beaten 
without  intermission,  and  a  watch  kept,  since  the 
people  entertained  no  little  fear  and  suspicion  of  their 
European  visitors. 

All  this  country,  from  Ihangero  to  the  Kagera  River, 
is  generally  called  Kiziba.  The  people  wear  a  kind 
of  long  fringe  round  the  waist  and  shoulders  made  of 
the  fibre  of  the  wild  palm,  and  speak  a  language  very 
similar  to  that  of  the  Baganda.  They  have  a  curious 
superstition  regarding  snakes,  and  pay  them  a  kind 
of  worship,  allowing  them  free  access  to  houses,  never 
killing  them  unless  the  snake  should  bite  one  of 
the  inmates  of  the  house,  in  which  case  only  it  appears 
lawful  to  kill  the  unpleasant  though  sacred  inmate. 

Next  day  we  reached  a  place  called  Bugombe, 
where  I  bade  farewell  to  Captain  Langheld,  and  went 
on  to  a  point  on  the  Lake  where  I  hoped  to  obtain 
canoes  to  take  me  from  the  mouth  of  the  Kagera  to 
Bali,  the  landing  place  nearest  to  the  Pokino's  capital 
of  Masaka,  where  my  friend  Walker  had  established 
himself  On  my  way  to  the  place  of  embarkation,  the 
chief  on  the  Kiziba  side  of  the  Kagera  sent  to  say  he 
would  like  to  see  me — he  called  himself  the  Kokino 
— so   I   turned    aside   and    went    down    to  his  village. 


52  On   Uganda  Gromtd  Once  More         [1892 

He  was  quite  a  young  fellow,  son  of  Mutatembwa,  and 
expressed  himself  as  anxious  to  learn  the  white  man's 
wisdom  and  religion.  The  Baganda  had  frequently 
visited  him — in  fact,  all  this  country  on  the  south  of 
the  Kagera  had  formerly  been  a  regular  raiding  ground 
for  these  people. 

The  next  evening,  January  1 3th,  I  pitched!  my 
camp  at  a  place  called  Bwendi,  in  Budu,  on  the 
Uganda  side  of  the  Kagera,  so  that  after  an  absence 
of  nearly  five  years  I  stood  on  Uganda  ground  once 
more.  And  here  for  a  time  I  must  pause  to  say  some- 
thing of  the  story  of  Uganda,  and  to  take  a  retro- 
spective view  of  the  strange  vicissitudes  through  which 
the  country  had  passed  since  its  first  discovery  in  the 
year  1862  by  Captain  Speke,  the  famous  explorer. 


BOOK    II 
A   RETROSPECT 


CHAPTER    I 

KINGS  MUTSEA    AND  M  WANG  A 


H.  M.  Stanley  s  Letter — Description  of  Uganda  Weafiojis,  etc. — 
First  Missionaries  reach  Nyanza — Christ  or  Mukasa — "La  ill 
aha  ill  'Allah  "  ~A  rash  Speech — King  Mutesds  Death— Status 
of  Princes — Mwanga  as  King — Stormy  Outlook — Printitig 
Press  at  Work — The  Masai  Route — Utisuspected  Dangers — 
Capture  of  Bishop  Hannington — Expecting  instant  Death — 
Ominous  Precatttions — Messengers  from  Mwanga — Murder  of 
Bishop  Hannington — We  are  doomed  to  Death — Redeetning 
our  Lives- — Christianity  asserts  its  Power — Persecution — The 
Crowning  Deed  of  Blood. 


i85(4)?-i884] 


CHAPTER    I 

KINGS  MUTES  A   AND  MWANGA 

MUTESA  has  been  described  by  so  many  writers, 
from  Speke  downwards,  myself  *  among  the 
number,  that  I  need  do  no  more  than  give  a  short 
outline  of  his  relations  with  his  European  visitors. 

In  1862  Uganda  was  entered  by  Speke,  whose 
journal  of  the  discovery  of  the  source  of  the  Nile 
contains  a  vivid  picture  of  the  country  in  its  pristine 
state.  It  was  visited  thirteen  years  later  by  Stanley 
in  his  memorable  journey  described  in  his  book 
"  Through   the   Dark   Continent." 

These  travellers  found  that  Uganda  presented  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  surrounding  tribes  ;  and  though 
a  land  where  the  direst  cruelty  and  most  callous  in- 
difference to  human  life  or  human  suffering  prevailed, 
yet  not  wanting  in  a  certain  kind  of  civilisation  of  its 
own.  Here  was  a  people  whose  rulers  exacted  the 
most  scrupulous  modesty  on  pain  even  of  death.  Both 
men    and    women   were    clothed    in    the    beautiful    red 

*  "  Two  Kings  of  Uganda."     (Sampson  Low  &  Co.,  1879.) 

55 


56  A    Letter  from   Stanley  [1875 

embugu,  or  bark-cloth,  for  the  manufacture  of  which 
Uganda  has  always  been  famous — the  men  wearing  it 
as  a  graceful  robe  knotted  over  the  right  shoulder,  the 
women  wrapping  it  round  them  under  both  arms,  and 
securing  it  by  a  cincture  of  the  same  material  fastened 
round  the  waist.  People  of  the  upper  class  wore  shoes 
made  in  the  country,  while  the  reed-built  and  thatched 
houses  displayed  the  greatest  neatness  and  skill  in 
their  construction. 

In  consequence  of  a  letter  from  Stanley  the  Uganda 
Mission  was  undertaken  by  the  Church  Missionary 
Society,  under  the  enthusiastic  direction  of  the  late 
Rev.  Henry  Wright,  Mr.  (now  the  Rev.)  Edward 
Hutchinson,  Mr.  Eugene  Stock,  and  others,  who  in 
simple  faith  determined  to  embark  upon  an  enterprise 
the  importance  of  which  only  true  wisdom  could  have 
realised,  and  the  difficulty  of  which  only  true  faith 
could  have  dared  to  face. 

In  response  to  their  appeal  for  missionaries,  Shergold 
Smith,  a  retired  naval  lieutenant,  Alexander  Mackay, 
Dr.  Smith,  Rev.  C.  T.  Wilson,  Mr.  O'Neill,  and  others 
volunteered  for  the  work.  Of  this  party  only  four,  in 
the  first  instance,  succeeded  in  reaching  the  Lake — the 
two  Smiths,  Wilson,  and  O'Neill.  Of  the  rest  some 
died,  others  were  invalided  home,  while  Mackay 
had  been  carried  back  to  the  coast  from  Ugogo  by 
the  doctor's  orders — a  piece  of  discipline  in  which 
his  dauntless  and  eager  spirit  found  it  difficult  to 
acquiesce. 

The  others  reached  the  Nyanza  in    1877  after  very 
great   trials    and    sufferings.       Lieutenant    Smith,   the 


UGANDA    WEAPONS,    IMPLEMENTS,    MUSICAL    INSTRUMENTS,    UTENSILS,    ETC. 

{For  description,  see  note,  p.  59.) 


i875]       Description  of  Uganda    Weapons,  etc     59 

leader,  wrote,  "  It  seemed  to  me  that  all  Satan's  force 
was  allied  against  us.  The  men  deserted  by  fifties. 
Lies,  thefts,  false  reports — all  were  used   to  delay  us  ; 


DESCRIPTION  OF  ARTICLES  ON    PREVIOUS  PAGE. 

1.  Neck  ornament,  red  and  white  beads. 

2.  Uganda  knife  with  black  wooden  handle. 

3.  Usukuma  harp  with  figure  ornament,  made  of  one  piece  of  wood.  The 
strings  are  one  continuous  piece  of  twisted  gut. 

4.  Lubare  spear,  entirely  of  iron,  one  of  many  which  are  used  standing  in  rows 
before  the  tomb  of  a  deceased  king  of  Uganda. 

5.  Magic  horn  used  by  the  medicine  man.    To  it  are  attached  charms  of  all  sorts. 

6.  Uganda  spear  as  used  by  a  chief.  The  central  ridge  and  the  edges  only  are 
polished. 

7.  An  Uganda  chiefs  staff  (upside  down)  of  white  wood. 

8.  A  Lubare  shield  from  Busoga.  This  is  made  of  one  bit  of  wood,  cut  to  shape, 
and  covered  entirely,  excepting  on  the  two  prominences,  with  fine  wickerwork. 
V'ery  long  black  and  white  goat's  hair  is  sewn  round  the  edges. 

9.  Uganda  harp,  covered  with  fine  leather,  which  supports  the  eight  strings, 
and  is  laced  with  ornamented  gut  to  the  leather  at  the  back.  The  rings  near  the 
pegs  are  made  of  lizard  skin. 

10.  Spear  used  in  Uganda  by  the  Wahuma,  or  cattle-herding  tribe — much  lighter 
than  the  ordinary  Uganda  spear. 

11.  The  right  shoe,  or  sandal,  of  an  Uganda  chief,  made  of  ornamented  buffalo 
hide,  the  thongs  being  of  otter  fur. 

12.  A  polished  black  clay  bottle  from  Uganda,  used  for  strong  drink  by  the 
highest  chiefs  only.     This  is  made  by  hand  without  the  use  of  a  potter's  wheel. 

13.  A  large  basket  made  of  grass,  one  of  a  pair  as  used  for  containing  cooked  food. 

14.  A  large  war  drum,  made  of  one  piece  of  wood,  hollowed  out,  and  covered 
on  top  and  bottom  with  raw  cew  hide,  with  the  hair  on  outside.  This  is  thonged 
together  by  strips  of  twisted  raw  hide,  which  also  has  the  hair  remaining.  The 
strap  of  ornamented  leather  is  for  carrying  round  the  shoulders.  The  cushion 
of  sheep's  skin  to  the  left  is  for  use  when  the  drum  is  balanced  on  the  head  during 
a  journey.  Each  of  these  war  drums  was,  as  it  were,  consecrated  by  the  cutting 
of  a  man's  throat  over  the  wooden  part  before  the  cover  was  fastened  on.  These 
drums  are  of  various  sizes. 

15.  A  wooden  board  used  in  a  well-known  game  (Mweso),  which  is  played  with 
beads  or  counters. 

16.  A  solid  wooden  stool  made  of  one  piece  without  joints,  from  Kavirondo. 
This  supports  an  Uganda  adze.  The  handle  is  of  wood,  the  heavy  blade  of  iron,  so 
arranged  that  it  can  be  used  crossways  or  lengthways  as  required. 

17.  An  Uganda  hand  drum — a  hollowed  piece  of  wood,  covered  with  goat's  skin. 

18.  A  small  stool  cut  from  a  single  piece  of  wood  from  Unyamwezi. 

19.  Uganda  adze.     For  description,  see  No.  16. 

20.  The  ordinary  Uganda  spade  or  hoe  as  used  by  the  women.  The  blade  is 
wrought  iron,  hammered  out  on  a  flat  stone.  It  is  tied  to  the  handle,  which  is  a 
natural  angle  in  the  growth  of  the  wood,  selected  specially. 

21.  Vessel  for  milk  or  cider,  from  Kavirondo. 

22.  A  white  rope  of  plaited  (square)  "  bow-string  hemp,'  used  formerly  by 
the  king's  executioners. 

B.  WooDD  Walker. 


6o  First  Missionaries  reach  Nyanza        [1877 

and  it  took  us  six  weeks  to  accomplish  that  which  can 
easily  be  done  in  sixteen  days  {i.e.,  the  journey  from 
Taborah  to  Kagei  at  the  south  of  the  Nyanza). 
Trouble  seemed  to  follow  trouble  as  wave  follows  wave 
in  a  stormy  sea.  First  Dr.  Smith,  a  young  and 
devoted  Scotchman,  succumbed  to  dysentery,  and  his 
sorrowing  companions  laid  him  to  rest  by  the  waters 
of  the  sunlit  Lake.  Shortly  afterwards  followed  the 
massacre  of  Lieutenant  Smith  and  O'Neill  on  the 
island  of  Ukerewe  by  its  chief  Lukonge.  The 
missionaries  had  become  involved  in  a  quarrel  between 
a  half-caste  Arab  trader  Sungura  and  the  chief.  The 
Arab,  finding  himself  attacked  by  Lukonge's  warriors, 
took  refuge  with  the  two  missionaries,  who  chivalrously 
afforded  him  protection,  and,  as  a  consequence,  lost 
their  lives  in  what  I  fear  was  the  Arab's  unjust  quarrel. 

Later  came  Mackay,  and  at  great  personal  risk 
visited  Lukonge,  who  expressed  his  sincere  regret  at 
what  had  happened,  saying  he  never  meant  his  white 
friends  to  be  harmed. 

After  this  Mackay  crossed  the  Lake,  and  reached 
Uganda,  that  country  where  his  great  work  was 
accomplished. 

Mutesa  received  him  kindly,  and  soon  learnt  to 
respect  the  single-hearted  missionary,  and,  like  Herod 
with  John,  Mutesa  heard  Mackay  gladly,  and  did  many 
things  ;  but  he  would  not  do  the  one  thing  needful: — 
yield  himself  to  be  the  servant  of  Him  who  sits  above 
kings.  Mackay,  in  his  letters  home,  has  powerfully 
described  what  may  be  regarded  as  the  great  crisis  in 
Mutesa's  life.      The   matter  arose  regarding  the  visit  of 


1878]  Christ  or  Mukasa  63 

the  priests  of  Mukasa,  the  tutelary  divinity  of  the 
Nyanza,  in  solemn  pomp  to  the  king's  capital  on 
Nabulagula  Hill.  In  conversation  Mutesa  admitted  to 
Mackay  that  he  knew  the  heathen  deities  were  false, 
and  that  the  priests  deceived  the  people,  and  for  a  time 
strenuously  opposed  their  approach  to  his  enclosure  ; 
but  the  influence  of  his  queen-mother,  the  "  Namasole," 
and  of  the  chiefs  prevailed,  and  the  king  gave  way  to 
the  storm  which  his  opposition  to  the  religion  of  the 
country  had  raised,  and  from  that  time  Mutesa  left  the 
ranks  of  earnest  inquirers  after  truth,  to  become  an 
amused  and  cynical  listener  to  religious  discussions 
and  arguments  in  which  he  appeared  to  find  much 
entertainment. 

King  Mutesa,  or  Mukabya,  as  he  was  commonly 
called,  was  an  object  of  the  deepest  reverence,  and 
even  superstitious  dread,  to  his  people.  Before  the 
coming  of  white  men  to  his  country  he  had  practised 
the  horrid  rites  of  the  Kiwendo,  when  thousands  of 
victims  were  ruthlessly  slaughtered  in  the  performance 
of  the  sanguinary  religious  rites  of  Uganda.  It  was 
said  that  when  Mutesa  rebuilt  his  father  Suna's  tomb, 
the  throats  of  two  thousand  unhappy  human  victims 
were  cut  at  the  dead   king's  grave. 

Mutesa  had  also  inaugurated  the  system  of  religiousi 
persecution  against  the  Muhammedans,  which  his  son! 
and  successor  Mwanga  put  in  operation  against  the 
Christian  Church. 

Arab  traders  had  come  to  Uganda  in  Suna's  time, 
and,  later,  had  been  eagerly  welcomed  by  Mutesa,  who 
even   learned   to   read  the  Koran.     The  young  pages, 


64 


•'  La  ill  aha  ill  'Allah  "        [185(4) ?-84 


sons  of  the  chiefs  who  were  in  attendance  on  the 
Emperor  or  Kabaka,  seeing  that  their  royal  master 
looked  favourably  on  the  new  teaching,  took  every 
opportunity  of  learning  all  that  they  were  able  from 
the  stranger  Arabs,  and  soon  Mutesa's  lubiri  (enclosure) 
echoed  with  the  confession   of  the  Mussulman  faith  — 


KING    LUKONGE^OF    UKEREWE    AND    HIS    WIFE. 

"  La  ill  aha  ill  'Allah  Muhammed  rasul  Allah"  ("God  is 
God,  and  Muhammed  is  His  prophet  ").  But  the  young 
pages  went  further  than  the  king,  and  eagerly  accepted 
the  initiatory  rite  of  Islam. 

Then  they  refused  beef  from  the  king's  table,  saying 
beef  from  a  bullock  not  slain  by  a  true  Muhammedan 
is  food  only  fit  for  dogs.     This  rash  speech  was  duly 


i85(4)?-84]  A  Rash  Speech  65 

reported  to  the  royal  tyrant.  His  large  eyes  flashed, 
while  a  grim  smile  played  on  his  lips.  "  Is  my  beef 
only  fit  for  dogs  ? "  asked  Mutesa.  And  forthwith  he 
summoned  Mukajangwa,  the  head  executioner,  who, 
with  his  myrmidons  with  cords  round  their  heads,  and 
strings  hanging  over  their  faces  to  give  them  a  terrible 


KING    MUTESA  S    GREAT    BURIAL    HOUSE,    NABULAGULA. 

appearance,  awaited  the  king's  behests.  "  Go,"  said 
the  king,  "  and  seize  every  uncircumcised  man  or  boy 
in  the  country,  that  we  may  slay  them,"  The  order 
was  promptly  obeyed,  and  that  same  night  two  hundred 
unhappy  youths  were  burned  to  death. 

I    had    reached    Uganda    early   in     1883,    and    the 
following    year    Mutesa   died.      The   burial    of  Mulesa 

5 


66  King  Mutesds  Death  [1884 

may  be  taken  as  one  instance  of  how  old  customs  were 

j   breaking  down,      Mutesa  was  the  first  king  placed  in  a 

coffin,  and  interred  in  a  grave.*  , 

On   the  death  of  Mutesa  one  of  his  younger  sons, 

;    named  Mwanga,  was  chosen  to  succeed  him.      This  lad 

had  often  visited  the  two   missions,  though  his  father,  I 

believe,  had  forbidden  him  to  do  so.      Most  of  his  elder 

brothers   were    kept   under   the    strictest   guard,   being 

immured  in   a   large  enclosure  under  the  charge  of  a 

chief   called    Kasuju.     These    princes    had    their    own 

gardens  and  estates  in  the  country,  the  fruits  of  which 

were  duly  brought  to    them    by  their  slaves    and   de- 

'   pendents.      This  system  had   only  been   introduced   by 

^  *  On  the  accession  of  a  king  in  former  times  the  custom  used 
A  to  be  for  a  long  fuse  to  be  ignited  by  a  man  named  Senkole.  The 
fuse  was  wound  round  a  post,  and  each  day  Senkole  added  more 
to  the  length  of  the  fuse.  When  the  king  happened  to  die  it 
became  the  part  of  Senkole  to  extinguish  the  fuse,  and  to  whisper 
mysteriously  to  the  Katikiro  (prime  minister),  "  The  fire  is  out," 
the  formula  by  which  in  Uganda  the  death  of  the  king  is  expressed. 
At  first  the  king's  death  is  kept  secret,  but  soon  the  terrible  fact 
becomes  known,  whereupon  the  death-wail  goes  up  from  the 
multitude  of  women  in  the  king's  vast  enclosure.  No  one  who 
has  ever  heard  it  can  forget  the  sound  of  that  great  cry,  as  it 
suddenly  breaks  forth  upon  the  midnight  stillness,  now  rising  to 
a  shriek  of  anguish,  anon  sinking  to  a  wail  of  plaintive  despair. 

,  The  corpse  of  the  deceased  king  in  former  times  was  taken  to 
a  place  called  Merera,  the  butaka,  or  possession  of  an  old  landed 
proprietor  called  Sebandeke,  and  some  eight  hours'  march  west 
of  Mengo.  Here  the  lower  jaw  was  cut  off  and  placed  in  an  ant- 
heap  (kinyomo),  that  the  ants  might  eat  it  perfectly  clean.  The 
body,  despoiled  of  its  lower  jaw,  was  not  interred,  but  carried  to 
the  house  of  a  peasant  on  the  estate,  and  laid  there  ;  the  house 
was  immediately  broken  down,  so  that  the  heavy  thatch  and 
debris  might  completely  cover  the  dead  king  s  corpse ;  strong 


1884]  Status  of  Princes  67 

Mutesa  ;  for  in  former  times  the  sons  of  the  kings  had 
held  high  chieftainships  throughout  the  country;  but, 
on  the  death  of  the  reigning  ruler,  this  had  resulted  in 
so  much  anarchy  and  fighting,  that  the  plan  of  )/ 
immuring  the  princes  was  adopted  by  Mutesa  to 
prevent  any  trouble  as  to  the  succession.  Mwanga, 
who  was  strikingly  like  his  father,  had  been  allowed  by 
the  king  to  be  at  liberty,  as  also  the  eldest  son  Kiwewa, 
who  by  the  immem.orial  custom  of  Uganda  might  not 
sit  upon  the  throne. 

The  missionaries,  both  English  and  French,  were 
pleased  when  they  heard  that  Mwanga  had  been 
elected    to   the    kingship.      We    had    dreaded    lest   his 

stakes  were  driven  in  side  by  side  all  round  the  house  to  keep  off 
wild  animals  ;  and  then  the  king's  chief  butler  or  brewer  {Seruti), 
his  chief  baker  or  cook  {Kauia),  the  chief  of  the  Bahuma  herds- 
men [Sebalija),  and  his  second  in  command  {Sensaltra),  were 
put  to  death  there.  The  third  ruler  of  the  Bahuma,  however,  was 
left  alive  ;  but  Mulamba,  the  king's  doormaker,  was  killed ;  also 
his  lady  cook  and  his  lady  brewer. 

To  return  now  to  the  jaw,  which  is  called  Iwatiga.  It  was 
carefully  removed  from  the  ant-heap,  and  presented  before  the 
new  king;  after  which  it  was  handed  to  Manoga,  the  king's 
tailor,  who  covered  it  with  beads  worked  in  patterns.  Then  on  a 
site  chosen  in  Busiro,  the  government  of  Mugema,  in  which  the 
capital  is  always  built,  a  kigya,  or  sacred  temple,  used  to  be  i 
erected,  surrounded  with  a  fence  of  reeds,  wattled  or  woven,  not  ' 
laced,  side  by  side,  as  in  an  ordinary  enclosure.  This  enclosure 
was  capable  of  containing  some  three  hundred  houses,  which  were 
inhabited  by  the  dead  king's  widows,  and  was  guarded  outside  by 
old  men.  The  jaw,  Iwanga,  was  kept  by  the  head  widow,  who 
had  been  formerly  the  head  wife,  or  Kadu  Lubare,  of  the  dead 
king ;  and  the  late  queen  sister,  the  Lubuga,  became  the  head 
of  the  old  establishment,  but  lived  in  a  separate  enclosure  of  her 
own  outside. 


68  Mwanga  as  King  [1884 

elder  brother  Kalema  might  have  been  chosen — that 
same  Kalema  who  afterwards  became  Sultan  of  the 
Muhammedans  when  Kiwewa,  who  took  the  kingdom 
when  Mwanga  was  expelled,  had  in  his  turn  been 
driven  out.  Kalema's  ruthless  and  savage  cruelties 
help  one  to  understand  how  in  comparison  Mwanga 
was  called  Mutefu   ("The  Mild"). 

Thus,  then,  the  clever  though  unstable  lad  Mwanga 
found  himself  suddenly  raised  from  what  was  little 
more  than  the  position  of  a  well-to-do  peasant  to  the 
autocratic  power  of  an  African  emperor.  How  he 
filled  his  great  position  the  following  pages  will  show. 

It  very  soon  became  evident  that  the  young  king 
had  allowed  himself  to  fall  completely  under  the 
influence  of  Arab  traders  and  the  old  heathen  chiefs. 
The  latter  hated  equally  all  foreigners  and  their  ways, 
while  the  Arabs  detested  the  missionaries,  who,  besides 
being  unbelievers  in  Islam,  were  of  that  same  race 
whose  people  at  the  coast  showed  such  bitter  hostility 
to  the  slave  trade,  from  which  the  Arab  almost  entirely 
derives  his  living.  English  cruisers  at  Zanzibar  seized 
and  confiscated  the  slaves  which  the  Arabs  had  taken 
such  great  expense,  pains,  and  trouble,  either  to  buy, 
as  in  Uganda,  or  to  raid,  as  in  the  Nyassa  and  other 
districts.  To  this  hostile  Arab  influence  in  the  councils 
of  Mwanga  may  be  traced  nearly  all  the  disasters  which 
gathered  round  the  work  of  Christian  missions  during 
^he  early  part  of  his  reign. 

The  first  two  years  of  Mwanga's  rule  were  marked 
by  three  distinct  outbreaks  of  persecution,  aimed  either 
at  the  missionaries  or  the  converts  whom  they  taught. 


1885]  Stormy  Outlook  69 

The  first  took  place  early  in   the  year   1885,  when 
the  outlook  on  all  sides  was  stormy  and  uncertain. 

Vague  rumours  of  an  advancing  tide  of  European 
aggression  filled  the  hearts  of  king  and  chiefs  alike 
with  uneasiness  and  dread.  In  the  north  the  great 
white  Egyptian  pasha  (Gordon),  towards  the  latter 
part  of  Mutesa's  reign,  had  shown  signs  of  a  desire  to 
seize  Uganda;  and  one  of  his  officers  in  1875,  M 
Linant  de  Bellefonds,  had  actually  entered  the  count 
with  a  few  hundred  soldiers,  and  flaunted  the  Egyptia 
flag  in  Mutesa's  capital.  The  Germans  had  already 
begun  operations  on  t-he  east  coast,  and  tidings  of 
their  high-handed  doings  had  reached  Uganda,  while 
undefined  rumours  came  from  the  west  of  white  men' 
advancing  by  the  Cojigo,  while  both  the  English  and 
French  had  various  m.ission  stations  in  the  Unyamwezi 
country,  to  the  south  of  the  Nyanza  ;  hence  from  all 
quarters  of  the  compass  white  men  seemed  to  be 
converging  on   Uganda. 

The  Arab  slave-traders  were  not  slow  to  take  advan- 
tage  of  any  news  they  received  ot  what  they  I'epieseiiLed 
as  European  aggression,  and  wxre  able  so  cleverly  to 
work  on  the  king  and  his  chiefs,  that  their  fears  and 
suspicions  were  at  last  thoroughly  aroused,  which  led 
them  to  treat  us  with  marked  hostility — -a  fiostility  which 
at  last  culminated  in  a  personal  outrage  upon  Mackay 
and  myself,  and  the  burning  to  death  on  January  3  ist 
^f  three  of  our  young  converts,  whose  only  crime  was 
\h^\  thpy  had  been  taught  by  us,  and  were  our  friends.^ 


*  A  full  account  of  these  martyrdoms  is  given  in  my  "  Two 
Kings  of  Uganda."     See  p.  145.     (Sampson  Low  &  Co.) 


\\ 


70  Printing  Press  at   Work  [1885 

This  cruel  outrage  seemed  for  a  time  to  satisfy  the 
anger  of  the  chiefs.  It  had  not  been  resented.  There 
was  no  way  in  which  it  could  be  resented.  But  all  of 
them  heard  how  deeply  it  had  affected  us  ;  not  indeed 
in  the  way  they  had  imagined,  for  it  had  stirred  us  to 
sorrow  rather  than  to  anger.  We  were  an  insoluble 
mystery  to  these  rulers.  So  they  let  us  alone,  con- 
tenting themselves  by  forbidding  any  of  their  people, 
upon  pain  of  death,  to  come  about  our  place.  But 
this  order  was  very  soon  disregarded,  and,  like 
Nicodemus,  first  one  came  at  night  to  sympathise 
with  us  in  our  trouble,  and  to  listen  to  our  teaching, 
then  another  ;  then  one  or  two  would  steal  in  quietly  in 
the  daytime.  Mackay  and  I  wrought  hard  meanwhile 
at  the  printing  press  during  this  lull  in  our  work  of 
teaching,  so  that  as  opportunity  offered  we  might  have 
some  printed  matter  to  put  into  the  hands  of  the 
people.  When  a  month  or  two  had  passed  the  storm 
seemed  to  have  blown  over,  and  we  were  once  more 
surrounded  by  crowds  of  eager  learners  and  listeners  ; 
and  the  three  of  us  *  had  our  hands  full  from 
morning  till  night  with  our  work  of  preaching  and 
teaching. 

But  as  the  year  drew  to  a  close  the  dark  clouds 
a  second  time  gathered  about  us,  and  soon  we  were  to 
suffer  the  loss  of  the  brave  Bishop  Hannington,  which 
meant  in  my  case  the  loss  of  a  warm  personal  friend. 
We  had  reached  the  Nyanza  together  in  1882,  but 
continued  fever  had  obliged  him  to  return   to  England 

*  The  Rev.  P.  O.  Flaherty  was  the  third  English  missionary  in 
Uganda. 


1885]  The  Masai  Route  71 

for  a  time  to  recruit.  He  soon,  however,  came  back 
to  East  Africa  as  bishop,  and  took  up  his  residence 
at  Freretov/n,  where  rumours  reached  him  of  the 
troubles  which   I   have   mentioned. 

Hannington  had  suffered  much  on  the  journey  up 
to  the  Lake  from  what  he  supposed  was  the  unhealthi- 
Tiess  of  the  Unyamwezi  route,  though  the  probabilities 
are  that  more  suffering  was  caused  by  want  of  ex- 
perience and  insufficient  supplies  than  from  any 
particular  unhealthiness  of  the  German  Protectorate. 
He  therefore  determined  to  try  the  more  direct  route 
to  the  Nyanza  which  had  been  traversed  by  Mr.  Joseph 
Thompson.  He  was  anxious  to  lose  no  time  in  reach- 
ing Uganda  ;  for  though  we  had  been  unable  to  send 
any  letters  for  something  like  six  months  after  the  sad 
martyrdom  of  our  young  converts,  yet  uncertain  tidings 
of  the  trouble  had  reached  the  bishop,  and  the  chival- 
rous desire  to  share  our  dangers,  and  to  give  us  his 
sympathy  and  help,  made  him  hurry  on  his  prepara- 
tions for  his  journey  to  Uganda.  The  sad  story  is 
soon  told.  He  passed  triumphantly  through  the 
dreaded  Masai,  the  tribe  which  had  been  considered 
the  great  bar  to  this  route,  only  to  fall  at  last  in 
Busoga,  a  victim  to  the  fears  and  terrors  of  Mwanga 
and  his  chiefs.  As  soon  as  we  could  find  opportunity 
we  wrote  to  Hannington,  warning  him  against  the 
danger  of  either  entering  Uganda,  or  sending  any 
more  missionaries  until  the  suspicions  of  the  people 
were  more  allayed.  We  also  explained  to  him  the 
political  complications  in  the  country,  which  made 
the   very  greatest  caution    absolutely  necessary.     Our 


72  Unsuspected  Dangers  [1885 

letters,  though  they  reached  the  coast  only  a  fortnight 
after  the  bishop  left  on  his  last  journey,  were  not 
forwarded  to  him.  The  British  Consul-General  at 
that  time  had  also  been  fully  informed  by  us  of  the 
danger,  and  yet  no  messengers  were  sent  after  Bishop 
Hannington  to  warn  him  of  the  terrible  peril  into 
which  he  was  running  ;  and  so  he  came  on  in  igno- 
rance of  the  causes  disturbing  Uganda,  which  made 
his  coming  at  this  time  doubly  dangerous,  but  his 
coming  by  the  most  jealously  guarded  frontier  of  the 
Nile  actually  fatal. 

But  though  we  had  been  unable  to  communicate 
with  Hannington,  he  had  written  to  tell  us  of  his 
intention  of  coming  to  Lower  Kavirondo,  and  asking  us 
to  send  the  boat  to  meet  him.  On  Mackay's  informing 
Mwanga  that  the  bishop  hoped  to  come  and  pay  him  a 
visit,  and  had  asked  that  the  mission  boat  should  be 
sent  to  meet  him,  Mwanga  asked,  suspiciously,  to  what 
point  he  would  come,  "  He  will  come  to  Kavirondo," 
was  the  reply.  No  one  knew  where  Kavirondo  was. 
(The  Baganda  call  Kavirondo  Bukede.)  "  Would  he 
come  to  Busoga  .'' "  The  answer  was  in  the  negative, 
and  so  very  reluctantly  the  king  sent  two  of  his  men 
with  the  boat — these  were  Mika  Sematimba  and  Matayo 
(now  Mujasi) — with  orders  to  seek  for  the  stranger 
white-man,  and  when  they  found  him  to  convey  him, 
not  direct  to  Uganda,  but  to  Msalala — the  English 
mission  station  at  the  south  of  the  Nyanza — after 
doing  which,  they  were  to  come  back  and  report  upon 
Hannington.  The  king  further  said,  that  if  the  report 
of  the  messengers  were  favourable,  he  would  then  send 


1885]  Capture  of  Bishop  Hannington  73 

for  the  bishop  to  come  to  Uganda.  The  French 
missionaries,  on  being  questioned,  gave  it  as  their 
opinion  that  it  would  not  be  advisable  for  the  Engb'sh 
bishop  to  enter  Uganda.  In  the  meanwhile,  Hanning- 
ton had  made  his  way  to  the  Nile,  which  was  guarded  at 
the  point  he  reached  by  the  chief  Luba,  who  had  orders 
from  Uganda,  on  pain  of  death,  to  permit  no  one  to 
pass.  The  sad  story  is  but  too  v/ell  known  how  Luba 
obeyed  his  orders  to  the  letter,  and  seized  Hannington 
by  force  and  imprisoned  him.  As  soon  as  the  capture 
was  accomplished,  he  sent  post-haste  to  inform  Mwanga 
of  what  he  had  done,  and  to  ask  for  instructions.  The 
news  of  Hannington's  arrest  was  followed  by  the  holding 
of  a  hasty  council  of  the  Uganda  chiefs,  with  the  result, 
that  men  were  sent  with  orders  to  kill  the  bishop  and 
all  his  following  (between  forty  and  fifty  men  *)  ;  and 
this  deed  of  blood  was  carried  out  on  October  29th, 
1885,  just  nine  months  after  the  first  martyrdoms. 

The  bishop's  diary  was  subsequently  recovered  in 
which  he  had  written  a  graphic  account  of  his 
capture  and  sufferings  in  prison.  I  give  a  few  brief 
extracts. 

On  October  21st  Hannington  had  reached  Luba's 
villages,  where  he  pitched  his  camp  ;  and  in  the 
afternoon  he  and  his  man  Ibrahim  had  climbed  a 
neighbouring  hill.  He  writes  :  "  To  my  joy  I  saw  a 
splendid  view  of  the  Nile  only  about  half-an-hour's 
distance,  country  being  beautiful  .  .  .  when  suddenly, 
about   twenty   ruffians    set   upon    us.     They    violently 

*  The  main  body  of  porters,  some  one  hundred  and  fifty,  had 
been  left  at  Mumia's,  under  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Jones. 


74  Expecting  Instant   Death  [1885 

threw  me  to  the  ground.  .  .  .  Twice  I  nearly  broke 
away,  from  them,  and  then  grew  faint  with  struggHng, 
and  was  dragged  by  the  legs  over  the  ground.  I  said, 
'  Lord,  I  put  myself  in  Thy  hands,  I  look  to  Thee  alone,' 
Then  another  struggle,  and  I  got  to  my  feet,  and  was 
thus  dashed  along.  .  .  .  The  exertion  and  struggling 
strained  me  in  the  most  violent  manner.  In  spite  of 
all,  and  feeling  that  I  was  being  dragged  away  to  be 
murdered  at  a  distance,  I  yet  sang  '  Safe  in  the  arms 
of  Jesus,'  and  '  My  God,  I  am  Thine,'  and  then 
laughed  at  the  very  agony  of  my  situation,  my 
clothes  torn  to  pieces,  wet  through,  strained  in  every 
limb,  and  for  a  whole  hour  expecting  instant  death  ; 
hurried  along,  dragged,  pushed,  until  we  came  to 
a  hut,  into  the  courtyard  of  which  I  was  forced. 
Now  I  thought,  *  I  am  to  be  murdered.'  As  they 
released  one  hand  I  drew  my  finger  across  my  throat, 
and  understood  them  to  say  decidedly,  '  No.'  We 
then  made  out  that  I  had  been  seized  by  order  of  the 
Sultan." 

"■October  2.2nd,  Thursday. — I  found  myself  last  night 
on  my  bed  in  a  fair-sized  hut,  but  with  no  ventilation, 
floor  covered  with  rotting  banana  peel  and  leaves  and 
lice,  in  a  feverish  district,  fearfully  shaken,  scarce  power 
to  hold  up  a  small  Bible.  Shall  I  live  through  it  .'' 
'  My  God,  I  am  Thine.'  " 

"  October  2  yd,  Friday. — I  woke  full  of  pain  and 
weak,  yet  they  guard  every  move  as  if  I  were  a  giant.  I 
don't  see  how  I  can  stand  all  this,  yet  I  don't  want  to 
give  in  ;  but  it  almost  seems  as  if  Uganda  itself  was 
going  to  be  forbidden   ground.      Though   I   am  far  in 


1885]  Ominous  Precautions  75 

the  dominion,  I  have  yet  only  looked  upon  the  country 
itself.     The  Lord  only  knows." 

"  October  2 /^th^  Saturday. — Thank  God  for  a  pleasant 
night.  The  day  passed  very  quietly.  I  amused  myself 
with  Bible  and  diary." 

"  October  2$th. — Still  a  great  deal  of  pain  in  my  limbs. 
When  I  was  beginning  to  think  of  my  time  in  prison 
as  getting  short,  the  chief  has  sent  men  to  redouble 
the  fence  around  me.  What  does  it  mean  }  Has  a 
messenger  arrived  from  Mvvanga .''  The  look  of  this 
has  cast  me  down  again.  My  guards  and  I  are  great 
friends,  almost  affectionate,  and  one  speaks  of  me  as 
*  my  white  man.'  My  men  are  kept  in  close  confine- 
ment, except  two,  who  come  daily  backwards  and 
forwards  to  bring  my  food.  This  they  take  in  turns, 
and  implore,  so  I  hear,  for  the  job." 

"  October  26th,  Monday. — I  am  heavy  and  sleepy. 
If  I  mistake  not,  signs  of  fever  creep  over  me.  To-day 
I  am  very  broken  down  in  health  and  spirits." 

"October  2yth,  Tuesday.  (Sixth  day  as  a  prisoner.) 
I  am  very  low  in  spirits,  it  looks  so  dark.  I  have  been 
told  that  the  first  messengers  [to  Mwanga]  would  return 
at  the  latest  to-day.  I  don't  know  what  to  think,  and 
would  say  from  the  heart,  '  Let  the  Lord  do  what 
seemeth  Him  good.'  I  am  very  low,  and  cry  to  God 
for  release." 

"  October  28///,  Wednesday. — A  terrible  night  ;  first, 
with  noisy,  drunken  guard,  and  secondly,  with  vermin 
which  have  found  out  my  tent,  and  swarm.  I  don't 
think  I  got  one  sound  hour's  sleep,  and  woke  with  fever 
fast  developing.       O  Lord,  do  have  mercy  upon  me,  and 


76  Messengers  from  Mwanga  [1885 

release  me.  I  am  quite  broken  down  and  brought 
low.  Comforted  by  reading  Psalm  xxvii.  ('  The 
Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation,  whom  shall  I 
fear  ? '    etc. 

"  Evening  ;  fever  passed  away.  News  come  that 
Mwanga  has  sent  three  soldiers,  but  what  news  they 
bring  they  will  not  yet  let  me  know.  [It  was  the  news 
of  his  intended  murder.]  Much  comforted  by  Psalm 
xxviii.  :  '  Unto  Thee,  O  Lord,  will  I  call.  .  .  .  The  Lord 
is  my  strength  and  my  shield,  my  heart  hath  trusted  in 
Him,  and  I  am  helped.'  " 

"  October  29^//,  Thursday. — I  can  hear  no  news,  but 
was  held  up  Psalm  xxx.,  which  came  with  great  power." 

The  above  is  the  last  day's  entry.  He  will  write  no 
more  sorrowful  words.  His  life's  lessons  are  over. 
The  contradictions  of  men  must  seem  small  now,  for 
a  great  power  possesses  him.  In  faith  he  has  uttered 
the  words,  "  O  Lord,  my  God,  I  cried  unto  Thee,  and 
Thou  hast  healed  me."  Renewed,  he  can  call  for 
praises  to  Him  whose  anger  is  but  for  a  moment,  in 
whose  favour  is  life.  God  has  taken  him  now  into 
His  keeping,  has  loosed  his  sackcloth,  and  girded  him 
with  gladness,  and  the  glorious  song  dies  away  in  a 
pa;an  of  praise.  "  O  Lord  God,  I  will  give  thanks  unto 
Thee  for  ever." 

He  is  led  forth  to  die — a  weary  road  amid  hostile 
faces,  a  babel  of  strange  voices  sounding  in  his  ears. 
He  is  weak  and  weary,  and  worn  with  fever.  On 
through  the  bright  banana  groves  his  captors  lead 
him  until  they  reach  an  open  space;  here  they  halt. 
A  signal  is  given  ;  it  is  the  firing  of  a  gun.      Another 


i885]  Murder  of  Bishop  Hannington  yy 

moment,  and  Bishop  Hannington  has  fallen  pierced 
by  the  spears  of  that  race  to  which  he  had  devoted 
his  life. 

But  we  must  leave  the  painful  incidents  of  this 
journal,  and  the  absorbing  interest  which  centres  round 
the  brave  hero  who  thus  had  given  his  life  for  the 
good  cause,  to  return  to  his  fellow-missionaries  in 
Uganda.  We  had  heard  with  horror  the  cruel  intention 
of  Mvvanga,  and  had  sought  in  vain  to  intercede  for 
the  Bishop's  life.  When  the  sad  tidings  of  Hannington's 
death  reached  us,  Mackay  wrote  :  "  The  worst  seems 
over  ;  our  dear  brother  is  happy  ;  we  remain  in  the 
midst  of  death.      Lord,  Thy  will  be  done." 

The  reader  will  clearly  see  how  serious  our  position 
had  become.  Hannington,  by  a  change  of  plan,  had 
made  his  way  to  the  Nile  instead  of  adhering  to  his 
original  intention  of  waiting  for  the  boat  at  Kavirondo  ; 
while  Mackay 's  assuring  Mwanga  that  the  bishop  would 
not  come  to  Busoga  being  followed  so  soon  by  his 
arrival  there,  made  us  appear  to  the  suspicious  chiefs 
in  the  light  of  persons  who  were  engaged  in  a 
deliberate  plot  to  seize  the  country  from  the  Nile. 
Further,  I  think  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Luba  greatly  exaggerated  to  Mwanga  the  resistance  j|^ 
made  by  Hannington,  in  order  to  excuse  his  own 
rough  treatment  of  the  bishop,  while  the  caravan  of 
some  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  which  the  bishop 
left  behind  him  at  Mumias,  in  upper  Kavirondo, 
was  probably  magnified   into  an   army  of  invasion. 

For    many   days    we    waited    in    suspense   for  some 
definite  news  as  to  what  had  really  occurred  ;  at  last  we 


yS  We  are  doomed  to  Death  [1885 

could  not  doubt  the  fact  of  the  murder  from  the 
circumstantial  accounts  which  had  reached  us. 
/  The  question  was  discussed  in  the  King's  Council  of 
\  what  should  be  done  to  us,  since,  it  appeared,  we  were  in 
the  plot  to  seize  Uganda.  Had  we  not  told  lies  about 
the  bishop's  coming  ?  It  was  therefore  decided  that 
we  should  be  killed.  One  of  Mwanga's  sisters,  named 
Nalumansi,  however,  who  was  learning  to  read,  hearing 
of  this  plan,  sent  down  a  significant  message  to  us 
saying  :  "  You  had  better  make  friends  with  the  king, 
and  redeem  yourselves,"  This,  in  Mackay's  view,  meant 
we  had  better  send  Mwanga  a  present.  O'Flaherty 
urged  that  it  would  be  useless,  since  when  we  were 
dead  the  king  could  take  all  that  we  had.  But  Mackay 
remembered  an  instance  in  Mutesa's  days  which  made 
him  think  otherwise.  A  small  sub-chief  for  some  offence 
or  other  had  been  condemned  to  death.  The  execu- 
tioners had  even  seized  him,  and  were  dragging  him  off 
to  kill  him,  but  Mackay  heard  the  prisoner  say  as  he 
was  dragged  past  the  king :  "  Nkuwade  ente  ana  "  ("  I 
will  give  you  forty  cows  ").  "  Set  him  free,"  said  the 
king,  and  he  was  immediately  released,  and  came  back 
to  say,  "  Neanze,  neanze  ge  "  ("  I  thank,  I  thank  you  "), 
then  quietly  returned  to  his  seat  among  the  courtiers. 

We  therefore  sent  nearly  all  that  we  possessed  to 
the  king  and  the  two  principal  chiefs,  who  we  knew 
were  principally  concerned  in  the  murder  of  the  bishop. 
These  were  the  Katikiro  Mukasa,  and  Kyambalango, 
the  Pokino.  We  were  immediately  summoned  to  the 
king's  presence,  and  plied  with  questions  as  to  who 
had  told  us  they  intended  to  kill  us.      What  the  present 


1885]  Redeeming  Our  Lives  79 

was  for?  Who  had  told  us  about  a  white  man  in 
Busoga  ?  Then  they  threatened  us,  the  king  saying 
he  would  put  us  in  the  stocks,  and  he  challenged 
England  and  all  Europe  to  rescue  us  !  Had  Lukongo 
not  killed  our  brothers  ?  Had  Mirambo  (an  important 
Unyamwezi  chief)  not  also  killed  white  men  ?  What 
harm  had  befallen  them  ?  For  more  than  two  hours 
the  interview  was  protracted.  At  last  the  king  ordered 
us  to  receive  a  couple  of  cows,  which  meant  that  we 
were  acquitted.* 

After  this,  things  soon  began  to  settle  down  again. 
Mr.  O'Flaherty  was  allowed  to  leave  just  before 
Christmas  ;  and  the  departure  of  even  one  of  us  was 
looked  upon  with  satisfaction  by  our  Arab  enemies, 
who,  now  that  Mwanga  had  committed  himself  by 
killing  a  European,  seemed  to  gain  more  influence  over 
him  than  ever. 

But  though  there  were  a  few  months  of  comparative 
quiet,  and  a  new  year  had  begun  brightly,  there  were 
indications  that  the  suspicions,  which  had  never 
slumbered,  were  once  more  assuming  an  acute  phase. 
The  Mumbeja,  or  princess,  who  had  saved  our  lives 
by  her  timely  warning,  now  flung  away  her  Mayembe, 
sacred  horns  and  charms.  This  example  was  followed 
by  others;   but  in   June  of    1886  a  circumstance   took 

*  Formerly  it  was  the  custom  that  when  the  king  killed  a  man  ;  / 
his  nearest  relatives  or  friends  must  at  once  send  the  king  a 
considerable  present,  to  redeem  or  purge  themselves,  and  to 
show  that  their  hearts  were  white,  and  that  they  were  not  harbour- 
ing evil  thoughts  of  malice  and  revenge.  Their  failing  to  do  so 
was  an  offence  visited  with  death.  Hence  the  importance  of  the 
timely  warning  to  us  to  send  the  king  a  gift  to  ''  redeem  ourselves ." 


8o  Christianity  asserts  its  Power  [1886 

place  which  suddenly  brought  the  Christians  and 
Muhammedans  into  violent  contact. 

The  Christians  were  accused  of  becoming  insolent 
and  disobedient.  The  fact  was,  they  had  begun  to  set 
themselves  against  the  evil  practices  of  Mwanga's 
shameful  court.* 

The  matter  soon  came  to  a  climax.  Mujasi,  who 
was  chief  of  the  king's  bodyguards,  and  who  had 
been  the  murderer  of  the  first  young  martyrs,  urged 
on  Mwanga  that  he  was  not  king  in  his  own  country 
if  his  .slaves  even  dared  to  refuse  the  king's  orders. 
Further,  it  was  said  that  both  we  and  the  French  priest 
were  gradually  filling  the  country  with  our  teaching, 
and  making  the  people  our  disciples  by  hundreds,  that 
we  called  them  our  children,  and  that  unless  some 
strong  measures  were  taken  the  whole  country  would 
soon  be  in  the  hands  of  the  foreign  white  teachers. 
The  boy  Matia  was  threatened  with  instant  death, 
but  eventually  escaped  with  a  beating.  But  the  King 
had  received  a  rebuke,  and  the  Muhammedans  had  been 
put  to  shame,  so  at  their  instance  Mwanga  gave  the 
order  that  all  the  Christians  in  Uganda  should  be  seized 
and  put  to  death.  The  king  set  the  evil  example  by 
attacking  one  of  his  Christian  attendants  with  a  spear. 
The  poor  lad  was  dragged  out,  and  immediately 
despatched  by  the  executioners  ;   next  Mwanga  turned 

*  One  of  the  pages,  a  lad  named  Matia,  had  the  courage  to 
refuse  to  participate  in  some  of  those  evil  doings,  which  were 
practised  as  a  matter  of  course  by  the  professors  of  Muham- 
medanism.  Matia's  refusal  was  made  to  a  Muhammedan  chief, 
named  Kauta,  who  was  acting  with  the  permission  of  the  king, 
whose  page  Matia  was. 


1 886]  Persecution  8i 

upon  Kagvva  Apolo  (the  present  Katikiro,  or  Prime 
Minister),  and  struck  him  with  the  spear,  and  gashed 
him  on  the  head  with  it.  But  probably  the  king's 
passion  had  spent  itself  upon  his  first  victim,  and 
Apolo's  life  was  spared. 

Others  were  clubbed  to  death  and  speared,  and  many 
were  seized  and  put  in  the  stocks;  many  were  mutilated 
in  a  manner  which  in  some  cases  proved  fatal. 

At  this  time  of  trouble  a  Russian  traveller.  Dr.  ! 
Junker,  who  had  come  down  from  Wadelai,  and  who  ; 
brought  news  of  Emin  Pasha  and  the  doings  in 
Equatoria,  entered  Uganda  from  Unyoro.  He  told 
us  how  he  had  seen  strewing  the  roads  many  mutilated 
corpses  of  murdered  Christians,  or  rather  perhaps  of 
men   suspected  of  being  readers. 

Most  of  the  Christians,  as  soon  as  the  outbreak  of 
persecution  became  known,  went  into  hiding ;  one  or 
two,  however,  determined  to  stand  their  ground,  and 
to  allow  themselves  to  be  taken  before  the  king  to 
plead  their  cause.  There  were  three  especially  whose 
names  deserve  to  be  remembered — -Kidza  Musaali, 
Munyaga  Byenju,  and  Walukaga.  The  first  was  a 
sub-chief  under  Mujasi,  Now  this  man  Mujasi,  though 
he  hated  Christianity,  had  yet  a  kindly  feeling  for  his 
dependent  Kidza,  who  was  a  faithful  officer,  and  even 
warned  him  to  fly,  but  Kidza  refused ;  he  was  therefore 
taken,  and,  at  the  King's  order,  clubbed  to  death. 
Munyaga  was  also  taken,  tried,  and  condemned  ;  he 
was  first  of  all  dismembered,  and  then  burnt.  But  the 
climax  of  the  persecution  was  reached  when  Walukaga 
and  some  thirty  other  Christians  were  brought  forth  to 

6 


82  The  Crowning  Deed  of  Blood  [1886 

die.  A  vast  heap  of  firewood  and  inflammable  reeds 
was  piled  about  them  as  they  lay  bound  hand  and 
foot,  and  heavily  laden  with  the  Kaligo,  a  long  forked 
branch,  which  secured  their  necks.  The  executioners 
brought  flaming  brands,  and  simultaneously  at  several 
points  ignited  the  vast  bonfire. 

This  was  the  crowning  deed  of  blood  in  the  perse- 
cution, which  seemed  in  this  last  act  to  have  spent  its 
force  ;  for  from  that  day  it  quickly  subsided.  In  that 
awful  hour  Christianity  had  proved  its  might,  and  from 
that  hour  it  steadily  grew  and  spread. 

Mwanga  had  tried  conclusions  with  the  new  teaching, 
but  had  failed  to  stamp  it  out.  The  Namasole,  his 
queen-mother,  absolutely  refused  to  give  her  attendants 
up  to  be  massacred  by  her  son's  insolent  executioners, 
so  that  persecuted  in  one  quarter,  the  Christians  were 
protected  in  another,  and  openly  continued  their 
teaching.  Mwanga  had  effected  nothing  ;  but  he  had 
indeed  proved  his  own  weakness — a  weakness  which, 
coupled  with  his  cruelty  and  growing  tyranny,  at  last 
led  to  his  own  overthrow. 


CHAPTER    II 
REVOLUTION  AND  EXPULSION  OF  MWANGA 


Mackay's  Departure  and  Gordon's  Arrival — On  the  Way  to  the 
Court — Walkers  Reception — The  King  of  Uganda — A  Course 
-  of  Oppression — Enormous  Fines — A  Prescient  Priest — Opposing 
Forces — The  King's  Jealousy — An  Ancient  Religion — A  dia- 
bolical Plot-^-Observing  the  Omens — Mnjasi's  Excuse — Another 
Day's  Respite — The  Death  Drum — Mwanga  threatens — Open 
Rebellion — The  King  baffled — Decision  to  dethrone  Mwanga — 
A  King  wanted — Making  a  King  by  Force — Cross  a?td  Crescent 
unite — Mwanga  deposed — A  Modern  Ulysses. 


CHAPTER    II 

REVOLUTION  AND  EXPULSION  OF  MWANGA 

THE  persecution  of  1886  finally  decided  the 
momentous  question  as  to  the  impossibility  of 
t;fcanr)pincr  put  the  Christian  faith  in  Uganda'  Mwanga 
had  steadily  obeyed  the  behests  of  the  Ara5s,  though 
Hstening  at  times  to  the  French  priests.  He  had 
followed  the  advice  of  the  priests  that  it  was  inex- 
pedient to  allow  Bishop  Hannington  to  enter  Uganda, 
then  the  advice  of  his  old  heathen  chiefs  in  murdering 
him,  and  lastly,  he  had  followed  the  advice  of  the 
Arabs  and  heathens  in  murdering  and  burning  the 
Christians,  both  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic.  The 
state  of  mind  of  this  unhappy  ruler  was  almost  frantic.  \ 
He  could  trust  no  one,  while  he  feared  all  parties  in 
his  kingdom.  The  murder  of  Hannington  haunted 
him,  not  with  remorse  at  the  deed,  but  with  craven 
fears  of  the  consequences.  At  this  time  the  Arabs 
were  in  Uganda  in  force,  and  the  letters  written  from 
the  Consulate  in  Zanzibar,  and  sent  through  the  Arabs, 
demanding  freedom  to  come  and  go  for  British 
subjects,  were  falsified  by  them  into  a  summons  for 
Mackay,  who  was  alone  in    Uganda   at  that   time,  to 


86  Mackays  Departure  and  Gordons  Arrival  [1887 

return  to  Zanzibar  to  answer  for  crimes  which  it  was 
alleged  he  had  committed  on  the  road  up  country. 
The  Arabs  were  no  doubt  skilfully  interweaving,  with 
their  lying  interpretation  of  the  letters,  some  old  matters 
in  which  the  Consul-General  at  Zanzibar  years  before 
had  acted  in  a  most  extraordinarily  injudicious  manner, 
with  reference  to  a  difficulty  Mackay  had  experienced 
with  some  mutinous  Zanzibar!  carriers. 

The  most  interesting  narrative  of  this  trying  time 
is  fully  given  in  Mackay's  journals.*  Suffice  it  to  say, 
that  he  felt  it  wiser,  owing  to  the  suspicions  entertained 
against  him,  to  withdraw  from  Uganda  for  awhile ; 
but  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  permission  from  the 
king  to  send  back  as  his  substitute  from  the  south 
(of  the  Lake  the_Rev.  Cyril  Gordon,  who  had  remained 
in  that  district  since  his  arrival  with  Hannington  nearly 
six  years  before.  Gordon,  with  the  devotion  that  has 
always  characterised  him,  immediately  started  for 
Uganda,  which  he  reached  on  August  1 8th  of  the 
same  year  (1887),  and  was  politely  received  by  the 
king,  and  warmly  by  the  converts.  He  then  bore 
remarkable  testimony  to  the  spirituality  of  the 
Christians  whom  he  found  in  Uganda,  and  who  had 
escaped  the  massacres  inflicted  the  previous  year  upon 
the  infant  Church.  "  All  who  have  visited  me,"  he 
wrote,  "  seem  to  be  truly  taught  of  the  Spirit." 

The  Rev.  R,  H.  Walker  joined  Gordon  in  Uganda 
in  April.  He  had  been  sent  for  by  the  king,  who  had 
heard   of   his   arrival    at    Usambiro.      The    king    was 

*  Church  Mtssio?iary  Intelligencer    and   Record^   January 
1888,  p.  18,  etseq. 


i888]  Walker  joins  Gordon  in   Uganda  '^'j 

afraid  of  Mackay  and  me,  who  were  both  at  the  south 
of  the  Lake.  He  knew  that  we  had  suffered  much  at 
his  hands,  and  dreaded  that  we  might  bring  some 
"  ill-luck  "  upon  him,  and  hence  his  request  for  the  new 
Englishman. 

The  king  had  heard  with  dismay  that  another  bishop 
(Parker)  had  succeeded  Hannington,  and  received  a 
letter  from  Hannington's  successor  with  every  ex- 
pression of  hostility.  He  now  formed  the  plot  of  kill- 
ing both  Gordon  and  Walker,  if  the  latter  should  be 
the  bearer  of  any  further  communication  from  Bishop 
Parker.  Walker,  however,  brought  the  tidings  of  the 
bishop's  death,  which,  strange  to  say,  proved  the  salva- 
tion of  the  two  missionaries  in  Uganda,  as  well  as  of 
their  numerous  converts.  The  king,  as  soon  as  he 
heard  of  Parker's  death,  and  that  there  were  no  more 
letters  from  him,  relinquished  his  sanguinary  scheme 
of  vengeance,  and  for  a  time  left  the  missionaries  to 
work  in  peace. 

Walker,  in  his  letters  home,  gave  a  vivid  description  \^ 
of  his  first  interview  with  King  Mwanga.  He  and  j 
Gordon  were  summoned  one  morning  almost  as  soon  as 
it  was  light,  and  at  half-past  seven  they  set  off  for  the 
court.  Crowds  of  people  passed  them  hurrying  to  the 
same  place.  The  road  for  some  three  hundred  yards 
to  the  great  entrance  gates  of  Mengo  was  lined  with 
armed  warriors,  holding  spears  and  shields,  and  many 
of  them  with  faces  coloured  red.  As  the  mission- 
aries passed  the  drums  beat,  and  all  of  the  warriors 
shouted  and  kept  up  a  tremulous  cry,  quivering  their 
spears    as    they    held    them  above    their    heads.      On 


88  Walkers  Reception.  [i88 

entering  the  first  gate  they  found  the  courtyard  inside 
full  of  soldiers  (some  three  or  four  hundred),  dressed  in 
white  and  armed  with  guns  ;  many  of  them  carried  red 
and  white  flags.  At  a  given  word  the  soldiers  marched 
quickly  past  the  strangers  on  both  sides,  and  returned 
behind  the  first  rows,  thus  making  their  numbers 
seem  very  great.  After  passing  through  several  doors 
in  the  high  reed  fences  they  came  to  the  king's  straw- 
built  reception  house.  This  house  was  a  circular 
building,  the  roof  coming  down  to  the  ground  ;  but 
being  some  twenty  or  thirty  feet  high,  the  walls  inside 

'  had  only  a  slight  curve.  The  roof  was  supported  on 
trees  for  pillars,  and  the  walls  consisted  of  fine 
white  reeds  tied  side  by  side,  making  a  smooth  clear 
surface.  The  floor  was  covered  with  clean  fine 
scented    grass,  carefully  dried,  and   neatly  laid  down. 

'  The  throne  was  of  white  wood,  in  imitation  of  a 
European  chair,  on  which  was  spread  the  royal  leopard 
skin.  At  the  feet  of  the  king  was  a  polished  elephant's 
tusk.* 

The  bodyguard  was  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  recep- 

,  tion  house.      As  they  entered,  stepping  over  the  raised 
V     doorstep,  all  in  the  court  rose  to  their  feet,  the  Arabs, 

]  the  chiefs,  and  the  king  himself  The  band  now 
struck   up.      It  consisted  of   a    big   drum,    two    kettle 

*  This  tusk  is  called  "  kasanga."  Each  king  has  his  own 
,  kasanga,  as  a  mark  of  his  honour.  Under  the  great  gateway, 
\  called  "  wankaki,"  leading  into  the  royal  enclosure,  there  is  also 
a  tusk  of  ivory  forming  a  kind  of  doorstep ;  hence  the  saying, 
"  Tainza  kubuka  kasanga"  ("He  can't  leap  the  kasanga"), 
implies  that  the  person  spoken  of  is  merely  an  unsophisticated 
country  cousin. 


1 888]  The  King  of  Uganda.  89 

drums,  a  bugle,  and  several  horns  and  trumpets  formed 
of  the  long- necked  gourds  of  the  country.  Walker 
advanced  up  the  centre  aisle  towards  the  king,  who 
placed  his  hand  on  his  breast,  and  bowed  towards  his 
two  white  visitors,  who  acknowledged  his  salute  in  the 
same  manner.  The  king  and  chiefs  then  sat  down, 
while  Gordon  and  Walker  were  ushered  to  their  seats 
(camp  stools)  some  ten  feet  from  the  king's  right 
hand.  The  court  was  crowded.  All  along  the  walls 
soldiers  were  ranged  with  guns  pointed  towards  the 
door.  The  king  spoke  kindly  to  Walker,  and  criticised 
his  personal  appearance.  He  asked  him  if  he  came 
in  the  place  of  the  bishop.  Gordon,  who  acted  as 
interpreter,  assured  the  king  that  Walker  had  come 
in  no  sense  as  the  bishop's  representative.  Mvvanga 
then  asked  if  Walker  were  a  smith  or  a  carpenter,  and 
on  being  told  he  was  simply  a  teacher  he  seemed  quite 
satisfied.  And  when  Walker's  presents  were  produced, 
a  large  carpet  and  a  chair  (a  chairman's  chair,  high- 
backed,  stuffed,  and  covered  with  crimson  leather),  he 
looked  pleased.  The  court  lasted  some  three  quarters 
of  an  hour,  and  then  the  king  rose,  and  as .  the  band 
played  left  the  court-house. 

Walker's  description  of  the  king  in  many  respects 
might  serve  for  his  picture  now :  "  A  man  with  a  I  / 
weak-looking  mouth,  and  rather  a  silly  sort  of  laugh 
and  smile  ;  he  raises  his  eyebrows  very  high,  and 
twitches  them  in  surprise,  or  in  giving  assent  to  a 
statement.  He  looks  a  young,  frivolous  sort  of 
man,  very  weak,  and  easily  led  ;  passionate,  and,  if 
provoked,    petulant.      He    looked    as    if    he    would    be 


/ 


90  A   Course  of  Oppression.  [1888 

easily  frightened,  and  possessed  of  very  little  courage 
or  self-control."  * 

A  guard  of  honour  conducted  the  two  missionaries 
part  of  their  way  home,  and  thus  ended  a  momentous 
crisis  in  their  lives,  and  in  the  history  of  the  mission. 
1  This  same  year,  1888,  saw  the  formation  of  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company,  afterwards 
destined  to  play  so  important  a  part  in  the  history  of 
Uganda. 

The  king  now  embarked  upon  a  course  of  oppression, 
cruelty,  and  tyranny,  which  made  his  rule  intolerable, 
and  eventually  led  to  revolution,  which  cost  him  his 
throne. 

He  made  a  royal  progress  through  his  dominions, 
which  proved  nearly  as  disastrous  to  his  unhappy 
subjects  as  a  foreign  invasion,  since  he  ruthlessly  robbed 
and  raided  his  own  people.  In  the  province  of  Chagwe 
he  raided  hundreds  of  cattle,  and  numberless  women 
and  children.  Then  he  marched  through  Singo,  carry- 
ing terror  and  dismay  wherever  he  went,  seizing  women, 
children,  and  cattle,  in  vast  numbers.  He  finished  the 
raid  in  Budu,  the  most  southerly  portion  of  his  kingdom. 

On  his  return  to  Mengo  he  distributed  the  spoil 
amongst  his  worthless  favourites  ;  but  his  action  had 
made  him  hated  through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 
land. 

His  next  move  was  to  summon  all  his  chiefs  to  the 
task  of  enormously  extending  an  artificial  pond  which 

*  The  above  account  of  Mr.  Walker's  reception  is  taken  almost 
verbatim  from  his  letter  in  Church  Missionary  Society'' s  In- 
telligencer, November  1888,  p.  700,  et  seq. 


aiWANGA,    KING    OF    UGANDA,     1 893. 


1 888]  A  Prescient  Priest  93 

he  had  made,  and  in  which  years  before  I  had  been 
called  upon  to  exhibit  what  skill  I  possessed  in  swim- 
ming, an  almost  unknown  accomplishment  in  Uganda. 
The  chiefs  came  with  extreme  reluctance,  many  of  them 
smarting  from  the  loss  of  their  wives  and  other  valuable 
property  extorted  from  them  during  the  king's  progress. 
The  tyrant  now  initiated  a  system  of  petty  annoyances, 
frequently  rising  at  dawn,  and  hurrying  down  to  the 
pond,  when,  if  he  found  the  chiefs  had  not  arrived,  he 
inflicted  enormous  fines  upon  them,  demanding  some- 
thing like  one  thousand  women  in  all,  besides  valuable 
coloured  cloths  and  guns.  By  giving  these  to  his 
dissolute  personal  following  he  succeeded  in  surround- 
ing himself  with  a  mercenary  band  of  reprobates,  whose 
numbers,  for  a  time,  prevented  any  organised  resistance 
to  his  tyrannical  proceedings. 

Ever  since  he  had  murdered  Bishop  Hannington 
Mwanga  dreaded  that  the  English  would  seize  Uganda, 
as  the  Germans  had  seized  part  of  the  coast ;  nor 
had  Gordon's  position  been  made  much  easier  by  the 
presence  of  the  prescient  Pere  Lourdel,  who  informed 
the  king  and  chiefs  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
the  English,  at  any  rate,  for  some  five  years  ! 

Early  in    1888,  the  king   began    to   show  hostility/ 
to  the  Arabs,  as  well  as  to  Gordon,  whose  people  were' 
imprisoned    and   beaten.     The   old    Katikiro,   however, 
promised  redress. 

At  this  time,  there  were  many  forces  in  the  dead- 
liest opposition  to  the  English  mission,  any  one  of 
which  was  strong  enough  to  have  caused  its  over- 
throw, and    even   the   murder,  of  the   solitary  English- 


94  Opposing  Forces  [isss 

men  who  maintained  it;  yet  these  opposing  forces 
preserved  a  kind  of  equilibrium  maintained  by  the 
mutual  jealousy  of  those  who  represented  the  strongest 
elements  in  the  country.  The  chiefs  were  chafing  under 
the  tyranny  of  the  king,  while  the  king  began  to 
suspect  the  Arabs  of  plotting  to  seize  the  country, 
and  hence  the  precarious  safety  which  Gordon  and 
Walker  enjoyed. 

The  king  had  treated  Bishop  Parker's  letter  (see  p.  8  i) 
as  a  challenge,  and  ashes  were  placed  upon  it  as  a  sign 
'that  Mwanga  accepted  the  arbitrament  of  war,  and 
'defied  the  English  to  invade  his  country.  At  the  same 
time,  he  maintained  that  it  was  the  people  of  Usoga, 
and  not  his  own  people,  who  had  murdered  Hannington. 
A  vivid  picture  of  this  troublous  period  is  given  in 
Gordon's  letters.* 

Things  were  in  this  condition  when  the  irritation 
land  the  anger  which  Mwanga's  evil  rule  had  aroused 
in  the  minds  of  his  people  suddenly  burst  forth  into 
iopen  rebellion. 

Several  Christians  were  holding  important  chieftain- 
ships. Isaya  Kijambo  was  the  Gahunga,  Albert  Kibega 
the  Mutusa,t  Kagwa  Apolo  (the  present  Prime  Minister) 
was  Omwanika,  and  Nyonyi  Entono  the  Musalo-salo. 
These  chiefs  also  denounced  the  abominations  which  the 
king  was  in  the  habit  of  practising.  Moreover,  the  king 
saw  with  chagrin  and  jealousy  the  handsome  houses  and 

*  Church  Missionary  Society^ s  Intelligencer,  September  1888, 

t  Gahunga,  chief  pf  Sesse ;  Omwanika,  storekeeper  ;  Musalo- 
salo,  engineer ;  Mutusa,  an  office  named  after  the  late  king. 


i888]  '         The  Kings  Jealousy  95 

neat  fences  which  these  young  men  built  for  them- 
selves. It  had  been  usual  in  early  days,  as  now  in 
Usoga,  for  the  chiefs  to  keep  their  places  in  a  wretched 
condition,  so  as  not  to  seem  to  wish  to  compete 
in  magnificence  with  the  royal  surroundings.  As 
regards  the  Arabs,  and  those  whom  they  had  gathered 
round  them,  Mwanga  was  quite  quick  enough  to  see 
that  they  were  a  very  real  danger  to  his  power.  The 
Arabs  had  overthrown  many  native  rulers,  and  the 
young  Muhammedans  were  now  growing  insolent  and 
again  refusing  to  eat  the  king's  meat  ;  but  Mwanga 
dared  not  deal  with  them  as  his  father  had  done.  The 
Muhammedan  readers,  though  up  to  the  present  they  had 
escaped  massacre  at  the  hands  of  Mwanga,  were  never- 
theless in  disgrace,  and  wi^re  furious  at  the  work* 
forced  upon  them  by  an  uncircumcised  heathen,  as  well 
as  at  the  exactions  to  which  they  were  obliged  to 
submit.  They  made  no  objection  to  the  king's  levying 
fines  upon,  or  murdering  his  Christian  subjects,  but/ 
they  resented  most  bitterly  that  they  themselves  should) 
be  the  victims  of  his  extortion  and  tyranny. 

Thus  while  both  Christians  and  Muhammedans  were  [ 
coming  more  and  more  into  opposition  to  Mwanga,  some 


i 


of  the  shrewder  of  the  old  heathen  party  saw  in  this  an 
opportunity  of  endeavouring  to  prevail  on  the  king  to 
exterminate  all  who  professed  the  new  religions,  and^^ 
thus  to  rehabilitate  the  heathen  system  of  LubareismJ 
the  national  religion  of  the  country,  which  of  late  years 
had  wofully  declined. 

*  The  cause  of  the  final  expulsion  of  the  Muhammedans  from 
Uganda  was  their  refusal  to  perform  legitimate  work  for  the  king. 


g6  An  Ancient  Religion  [1888 

This  religion  was  an  ancient  and  awful  superstition, 
richly  endowed,  and  made  doubly  terrible  by  the 
holocausts  of  human  victims  frequently  sacrificed  to 
carry  out  its  fearful  rites.* 

The  heathen  party  had  in  truth  a  very  powerful  system 
behind  them,  and  they  hoped,  by  securing  the  co-opera- 
tion of  the  king,  to  effect  their  purpose  of  banishing 
the  new  customs  in  favour  of  the  old. 

The  person  more  deeply  versed  in  the  heathen 
system  of  Uganda  than  any  of  the  other  chiefs  was 
Ntanda,  now  Nicodemo,  who  had  also  learned  much 
of  Muhammedanism.  Strange  to  say,  at  the  present 
time  he  is  baptised  and   a  professing  Christian. 

*  The  worship  paid  to  demigods  is  curiously  exemplified  in  the 
case  of  two  who  may  be  mentioned — namely,  Budo  and  Kibuka. 
All  that  is  mortal  of  these  ancient  heroes  is  still  extant  in  the 
form  of  two  carefully  preserved  mummies. 

Budo  is  the  corpse  of  a  gigantic  man  wrapped  in  bark-cloth, 
all  except  the  head,  which  is  bare.  He  has  long  hair,  and  his 
eyes  are  closed,  and  he  is  in  a  sitting  posture.  He  is  kept  behind 
the  curtains  of  the  temple  where  he  resides,  guarded  by  a  virgin 
honoured  as  his  wife,  and  whose  sacred  person  no  one  dare 
approach.  The  frightful  dread  of  the  vengeance  of  the  god  is  a 
perfect  safeguard  to  the  chastity  of  the  priestess — a  proof  of  the 
fallacy  of  the  statement  sometimes  put  forward,  that  Africans 
had  no  idea  of  female  chastity  till  the  modern  and  late  intro- 
duction of  Christian  morals  among  them.  The  mummy  Budo 
sits  on  a  bed  draped  with  bark-cloths,  and  on  certain  days  drums 
called  "  kikase  "  are  beaten,  when  he  is  brought  from  behind  the 
curtains  to  hold  a  reception  in  his  temple,  at  which  the  neighbour- 
ing chiefs  and  important  people  attend.  They  kneel  before  him 
extending  the  palms  of  their  hands,  and  crying  out,  "  Asinze  " 
("  He  is  great  "),  speaking  of  him  in  the  third  person  ;  whereas, 
to  a  living  king,  they  say  "  Osinze  "  ("  You  are  great  "). 

Kibuka,  like  the  other  mummy  Budo,  is  the  corpse  of  a  very 


1888]  A  Diabolical  Plot  97 

He  and  Kyambalango,  the  Pokino  (ruler  of  Budu  j 
who  also  could  read  both  the  Koran  and  the  New  } 
Testament),  together  with  a  man  named  Tebukuza,  \ 
gained  the  ear  of  the  king,  and  persuaded  him  that  i 
neither  he  nor  his  kingdom  would  ever  flourish  as  long  ' 
as  the  new  religions  were  tolerated  in  the  country. 

The  result  was,  that  Mwanga  and  these  men  hatched 
between  them  a  diabolical  plot,  which  had  for  its  object 
the  annihilation  of  all  the  readers  in  Uganda,  both 
Christians  and  Muhammedans.  The  old  prime  minister, 
Mukasa,  would  have  nothing  to  say  to  the  scheme, 
affirming  that  ''  the  readers  "  were  too  numerous  to  be 
destroyed. 

The  conspirators  now  summoned  the  Mandvva,  or 
priests   of  Lubare,  who   duly  proceeded    to    slaughter 

tall  man  wrapped  in  bark-cloth,  but  he  is  in  a  lying  posture,  with 
his  face  covered.  His  guardian  virgin  wife  is  called  Nagalamede, 
and  his  receptions  are  held  as  described  above  in  the  case  of 
Budu.  Kibuka,  the  story  goes,  was  a  mighty  warrior  of  old 
times,  who  lost  his  life  fighting  for  the  king  in  Ganda.  (Ganda  '^ 
is  the  name  the  country  was  first  known  by.)  Kibuka  killed 
multitudes  of  the  people  of  Unyoro  with  his  arrows,  but  sub- 
sequently married  a  woman  of  that  nation,  who,  pitying  the 
plight  of  her  people,  betrayed  the  mystery  of  her  warrior-husband, 
and  warned  them  in  the  next  engagement  to  aim  their  arrows  at; 
a  black  cloud,  which  they  would  see  hanging  over  the  battle- 
field, and  that  then  they  would  kill  Kibuka.  In  the  next  battle 
they  did  as  she  had  directed  them,  and  the  corpse  of  Kibuka' 
rolled  before  them,  having  fallen  from  the  cloud,  and  Kibuka 
livitig  ceased  to  trouble  them  ;  though  from  that  day  to  the 
present  his  shade  has  inspired  them  with  so  much  dread  of 
vengeance,  that  no  man  of  Unyoro  will  pass  Embale,  where 
Kibuka' s  temple  stands;  and  when  the  reigning  king  wishes  to 
send  either  wives  or  slaves  to  Kibuka's  priest,  care  is  taken  that 
no  Unyoro  person  shall  be  among  them. 

7 


98  Observing  the  Omens  Li^jss 

cattle,  and  take  the  omens  regarding  the  success  of  the 

plot.      If  the  blood  of  the  slaughtered  animal  flows  out 

in  several  divergent  streams  the  omen  is  good  ;  but  if 

it  pours  out  in  one  full  stream  it  is  bad.     This  is  called 

Kulagula    (to  foretell).      For  several  days  the    omens 

were  observed  with  the  most  satisfactory  results,  and 

the  Mandwa  declared  that  the  issue  of  the  plot  would 

be  satisfactory  ;  and  in  this  they  were  right,  though  the 

satisfaction  was  to  be  enjoyed    by  those  whom    they 

desired    to   put   to   death.      The   plot  was  as  follows : 

Mwanga  was  to  give  out  that  he  had   determined   to 

destroy  the  worship  of  Lubare  in  the  country,  and  that 

he  intended  to  begin   by  stripping  the  Mandwa  of  all 

their  wealth,  and  that  his  first  step  would  be  a  raid  on 

the   Island  of  Bugala,  which  belonged   to  the  priests, 

and  on    which    was    much   cattle.       He  was    then    to 

summon  all  the  fighting  men   in  the  country  who  had 

guns, and  who  were  all  either  Christians  or  Muhammedan 

I  i  readers.      The  old  heathen  warriors  still  clung  to  their 

y  ancient    weapons,   spear   and    shield.     The   assembled 

\  readers  were  then,  on  some  pretext  or  another,  to  be 

landed  on  another  bare  and  desert  island,  and  there  left 

to  perish  miserably.     The  canoes  were  to  be  withdrawn, 

and  the   waters  of  the  Lake  watched,  to  prevent  any 

canoe  reaching  the  hapless  victims  of  this  outrageous 

I  scheme  of  vengeance.      Like  everything  that  Mwanga 

fl  planned   or  did,  this  plot  partially  leaked  out,  and  the 

\  intended  victims  learnt  enough  to  arouse  their  worst 

suspicions. 

The  king  now  ordered  the  Gabunga,  who  had  charge 
of  the  canoes,  to  collect  all  the  boats  in  Sesse,  while  he 


1 888]  Muj'ast's  Excuse  99 

ordered  Mujasi,  a  cruel  and  fanatical  Muhammedan 
who  commanded  his  bodyguard,  to  march  the  soldiers 
to  the  point  of  embarkation  on  the  Lake.  Mujasi  sent 
back  to  say  he  was  dreadfully  ill,  and  his  eyes  were  so 
much  affected  that  he  could  not  see,  while  another 
Muhammedan  chief  plastered  some  of  the  rotten  fruit 
of  the  banana  on  his  leg,  which  he  exhibited  to  the 
king's  messenger  as  a  frightful  ulcer,  affirming  the  while 
that  he  was  quite  unable  to  walk.  Musalosalo  and 
Omwanika,  the  two  principal  Christian  chiefs,  also  re- 
ceived orders  to  march  to  the  Lake  with  the  Christians. 
Omwanika,  or  Kagwa  Apolo,  was  the  leader  of  the 
Bazungu  or  English  readers,  while  Musalo-salo,  or 
Nyonyi  Entono,  was  chief  of  the  Bafransa  or  French 
readers.. 

The  Christians  slept  that  night  at  Kitebe,  halfway 
to  the  Nyanza.  Mukasa,  the  old  Prime  Minister,  sent 
to  tell  Nyonyi  Entono  not  to  embark  in  the  canoes,  for 
that  the  king  intended  to  murder  all  who  did  so. 

Next  day  they  reached  Entebe  (Fort  Alice),  the 
point  from  which  the  king  meant  to  start,  and  where 
all  the  canoes  had  been  collected.  The  king  now 
arrived  on  the  scene.  But  at  this  point  a  difficulty 
arose,  for  Lukoto,  the  Chief  Judge  of  the  Prime 
Minister  and  a  great  devotee  of  Lubare,  informed 
Mwanga  that  the  Mayembe  (sacred  horns)  were  not  in 
spirits.  These  awful  symbols  of  the  faith  had  shown 
some  mysterious  sign  that  something  unpleasing  to 
Lubare  was  taking  place. 

And  so  it  was,  for  this  happened  to  be  the  sacred 
day  of  Bwerendc,  the  monthly  Sabbath  of  the  Baganda, 


lOO  Another  Day's  Respite  [isss 

which  is  fixed  by  the  appearance^  of  the  new  moon, 
and  on  which  no  cultivation  is  done  nor  work 
undertaken.      The   king,  though  chafing  at  the  delay, 

,  was  nevertheless  obliged  to  acquiesce  in  this  objection 
of  his  accomplices,  who  were  fervent  votaries  of  Lubare. 
He  therefore  agreed  to  put  off  the  departure  of  the 
canoes  till  the  morrow.  Thus  the  host  of  condemned 
readers  obtained  another  day's  respite. 

/  That  night,  at  Mwanga's  orders,  Mutamanyang'  amba 
Kisiga,  the  chief  executioner,  beat  the  peculiar  and 
terror-striking  tattoo  on  the  drum,  which  told  the 
horrified  hearers  that  the  Bamboa  (executioners)  were 
abroad   to    secure    victims    for    a   kiwendo — the    vast 

I  human  sacrifice  paid  by  Uganda  kings  to  the  horrible 

jgod  Lubare. 

Before  the  awful  death  drum  rolled  out  its  dismal 
warning  the  people  had  said,  "  Surely  the  king  cannot 
mean  to  make  the  attempt  to  murder  all  the  vast  host 
of  readers  in  the  land  "  ;  but  the  weird  and  dreadful 
notes  of  the  drum  dispelled  any  doubt  as  to  the  king's 
intention,  and  soon,  a  fearful  and  anxious  crowd 
gathered  round  Nyonyi  Entono  and  Kagwa  Apolo, 
and  another  chief  Lubanga,  who  was  a  Muhammedan. 
There  was  a  hurried  debate,  which  resulted  in  the 
determination  of  one  and  all  to  resist  the  king  by  force. 
Nyonyi  Entono  was  accordingly  despatched  to 
Mwanga,  to  remind  him  that  it  was  contrary  to  Uganda 
custom  for  the  king  to  visit  Lubare's  island  without 
due  religious  rites,  and  that  if  he  went  accompanied 
only  by  his  younger  chiefs,  and  evil  were  to  befall  him 
at  the  hand  of  Lubare,  that  then   the  whole  country 


i888]  Mwanga   Threatens  loi 

would  seize  them  and  their  families  and  burn  them 
with  fire,  and  further  to  implore  the  king  not  to  risk 
himself  in  such  a  dangerous  visit. 

Nyonyi  Entono  accordingly  went  to  the  king,  who 
seemed  impressed  by  what  he  said,  and  changed  his 
mind,  and  declared  that  he  himself  would  not  go  to 
the  island,  so  he  sent  Kisiga,  the  executioner,  to  tell 
Nyonyi  Entono  that  as  soon  as  the  drums  beat  he  was 
to  embark  the  whole  body  of  Christians  in  the  canoes, 
and  that  any  one  found  loitering  in  the  camp  should  at 
once  be  put  to  death. 

Before  dawn  broke  the  drums  rolled  out  the  signal  to 
embark.  A  few  of  the  people  repaired  to  the  canoes,  but 
far  the  greater  number  remained  sullenly  in  the  camp. 

Nyonyi  Entono  had  slept  within  the  king's  temporary 
fence,  and  as  he  waited,  Lutaya,  Mwanga's  Muhammedan 
favourite,  came  out  and  said  :  "  Follow  the  king  ;  he  has 
gone  to  the  boats."  Nyonyi  Entono  took  no  notice  of 
Lutaya's  words,  knowing  that  Mwanga  was  still  inside, 
but  remained  where  he  was,  together  with  all  the  king's 
pages  and  his  own  followers.  On  this  the  king  came 
out  of  the  royal  hut,  and  made  his  way  to  the  Lake.  It 
was  now  daylight,  and  the  king  saw  that  only  a  few 
of  the  more  timid  had  entered  the  canoes  ;  by  far  the 
greater  number,  disregarding  his  orders,  were  stand- 
ing on  the  beach.  Thereupon  the  king  entered  his 
own  noble  canoe  (named  Waswd),  followed  by  Nyonyi 
Entono,  who  came  unarmed,  whispering  to  his  per- 
sonal attendants  not  to  accompany  him.  Wasiva  was 
now  paddled  out  a  little  distance  into  the  Lake, 
none  of  the  other  canoes  following.       The  king  turned, 


"^\ 


1 02  open  Rebe^llion  [1888 

and  ordered  Kagvva  Apolo  to  enter  another  canoe. 
This  he  slowly  did,  whispering  to  his  followers  the 
same  order  as  Nyonyi  Entono  had  given,  that  they 
should  not  embark  with  him.  The  king  then  com- 
manded one  of  the  smaller  chiefs  to  get  into  a  third 
boat,  but  he  stoutly  replied,  "  I  will  not."  Next  the  king 
ordered  the  Muhammedan  Lubanga,  already  referred 
to,  to  enter  the  canoe — he  replied  that  he  must  first 
go  for  his  gun,  and  turning  his  back  walked  into  the 
long  grass  to  await  what  should  befall.  Sekyeru, 
another  Muhammedan,  was  appealed  to,  and  he  flatly 
I  refused,  saying,  "  I  will  not  embark."  Nyonyi  Entono 
\now  addressed  the  king,  saying,  "All  Buganda  refuses 
to  take  you  to  Sesse,  There  is  no  old  chief  here,  and 
we  are  not  able  to  take  you."* 

At  this  the  king,  with  a  gesture  of  anger,  snatched  a 
gun  from  the  bottom  of  the  canoe.  Whereupon  Lubanga 
and  Sekyeru  cried  out,  "  Let  us  kill  him."  Kagwa  Apolo, 
however,  restrained  them,  saying,  "  No,  let  us  not  do  so 
without  sufficient  reason.  If  he  kills  any  of  us  then 
iwe  will  J  kill  him  ;  but  if  we  kill  him  now  all  nations 
will  be  against  us,  saying,  '  They  have  slain  their  lord.'  " 
The  king,  now  seeing  how  matters  stood,  though  he 
did  not  hear  the  talk  about  killing  him,  called  to  the 
Mumyuka  f  of  Musalosalo,  saying,   "  I   see  the  canoes 


I*  The  great  god  Mukasa  is  lord  of  Sesse,  and  will  kill  anj' 
person  intruding  on  his  dominions.  He  calls  the  King  of  Uganda 
;  his  slave,  and  the  king,  when  he  sends  to  perform  religious  rites, 
,1  must  do  so  through  the  chiefs,  Sabaganzi  and  Gabunga. 

t  Mumyuka,  the  second  in  command  in    every  chieftainship, 
is  called  the  Mumyuka. 


i888]  Decision  to  dethrone  Mwanga  103 

here  are  not  enough  to  hold  us  all.  Do  you  take  the 
people  back  to  Mengo,  while  I  return  by  water  to 
Munyonyo."  Munyonyo  is  the  landing-place  about 
eight  miles  from  Mengo  Entebe  (Fort  Alice),  where 
the  mutiny  took  place,  being  more  than  twenty  miles 
from  the  capital.  As  soon  as  Mwanga  came  back  he 
sent  post  haste  to  tell  the  old  Katikiro  that  the  whole 
country  was  in  rebellion.  The  answer  he  received  was 
that  the  plan  to  kill  the  readers  had  been  against  his, 
the  Katikiro's,  judgment  and  advice.  When  old 
Mukasa's  messenger  had  delivered  the  message  the 
king  was  silent.  Meanwhile  the  Muhammedan  readers 
sent  messengers  to  the  old  Prime  Minister,  and  to 
Nyonyi  Entono  and  Kagwa,  the  two  leaders  repre- 
senting the  French  and  English  readers,  saying,  "  We 
had  better  depose  Mwanga,  since  he  is  certain  to 
renew  his  attempt  upon  our  lives."  And  to  this  the 
Katikiro  agreed,  and  it  was  accordingly  determined  to 
place  another  king  on  the  throne.  Then  came  the 
question  of  who  should  be  chosen  as  Mwanga's  suc- 
cessor, and  they  decided  upon  Mwanga's  brother 
Kalema,  a  man  who,  it  appears,  was  more  or  less 
favourably  inclined  towards  the  Arabs  and  the 
Muhammedan  faction,  and  who  afterwards  played  so 
important  a  part  in  the  politics  of  Uganda. 

Two  messengers  were  accordingly  despatched  to  fetch 
Kalema  from  the  enclosure  where  the  royal  princes  were 
guarded  by  Kasuju,  the  keeper  of  the  king's  children. 

The  messengers  were  afraid,  however,  that  their 
tidings  might  not  be  well  received  by  Kasuju,  and  that 
they  might  lose  their  lives.      So  they  returned,  saying 


I04  Making  a  King  by  force  [isss 

it  was  impossible  to  reach  Kalema,  and  that  it  would 
be  better  for  a  strong  armed  party  to  go  and  take  him 
out  of  his  prison  palace  by  force. 

On  hearing  this,  Nyonyi  Entono  suggested   that  it 

might   be   better   to   secure   the   king's  eldest   brother, 

Kiwevva,  who  lived  in  an  open  enclosure,  and  whose 

j  person  was  sacred,   although    it  was   the    immemorial 

I  custom    of  Uganda   that    the   eldest   son   might   never 

'  succeed  to  the  throne.      Nyonyi    Entono   argued    that 

as  the  Christians  and   Muhammedans  were  people   of 

"  dini "    (religion),    and     had    turned    their    backs    on 

I  heathen  customs,  they  need   not  regard  this  old  super- 

{stition.     In  this  he  was  supported  by  a  Muhammedan 

chief   named    Katabalwa.     The  others  agreed  to   the 

suggestion,  and  forthwith  a  man  named  Buga  Ekwagala, 

with  three  others,  were  sent  to  fetch   Kiwewa,  that  he 

might  be  proclaimed  king.      On  arrival  they  found  him 

in  his  house ;   but  on  communicating  their  message  he 

flatly  refused  to  accompany  them,  saying  that  the  thing 

was  impossible.      But  his  visitors  would  take  no  denial, 

and  actually  forced   him  out  of  his  house,  and  led  him 

towards  Rubaga  Hill,  doubtless  impressing  on   him  as 

they   went    the   ease  with  which   he    might   step    into 

Mwanga's    great    position.     The    rebels    now    secured 

the   royal  drum,   Mujaguzu,*  on  which   they  beat  the 

royal  tattoo  in  honour  of  the  new  king.      Mwanga,  to 

his    dismay,  heard    the  king's    drum    booming  out  on 

*  This  drum  was  kept  in  a  house  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  from 
which  could  be  seen  the  first  appearing  of  the  new  moon.  As 
soon  as  the  new  moon  appeared  Mujaguzu  was  accustomed  to  be 
beaten,  that  all  men  might  understand  that  the  day  of  Bwerende, 
the  Uganda  Sabbath,  had  come  round. 


1 888]  The  eldest  Princess  105 

Rubaga  Hill,  opposite  his  own  enclosure,  and  the 
site  of  the  French  Mission. 

Mvvanga  now  issued  from  Mengo,  and  hurried  down 
towards  the  king's  pond,  which  lay  in  the  hollow 
between  the  Hill  of  Mengo  and  the  loftier  eminence 
of  Rubaga.  He  was  followed  by  a  number  of  the 
conspirators,  among  whom  were  Kyambalango  (the 
Pokino),  Lukoto,  Entanda,  and  Wakibi,  the  Munawa  ; 
and  a  number  of  his  insolent  young  pages  clad  in  white. 
His  sister  Nasiwa  *  also  accompanied  him. 

Mwanga  asked  Nasiwa  had  they  not  better  take 
refuge  at  the  French  Mission  on  Rubaga  with  Mapera.t 

*  Nasiwa,  the  eldest  princess  and  nominal  wife  of  Mukasa,  the 
Divinity  of  the  Nyanza.  Every  Mumbeja  (princess)  is  supposed 
to  be  a  vestal  virgin  and  nominal  wife  of  a  Divinity,  but  unlike 
the  truly  virgin  keepers  of  Budo  and  Kibuka  (p.  96),  their  virginity 
is  only  nominal,  since  the  Bambeja  (princesses)  used  to  be 
notorious  for  their  amours,  and  for  the  utter  licentiousness  which 
characterised  them.  In  Mutesa's  days  Princess  Nakaman3'a 
was  wife  of  god  Kibuka,  Princess  Nasolo  of  god  VVanga,  Princess 
Kagere  of  Lwanga,  Princess  Nakati  of  Budo.  In  the  olden  time, 
when  Kibuka  was  killed,  god  Mukasa  had  asked  the  reigning 
king  for  his  daughter,  and  the  king  gave  him  his  daughter,  Nasolo ; 
(the  name  which  the  eldest  of  the  princesses  is  always  called,  as 
Kiwewa  is  that  of  the  eldest  of  the  princes).  Nasolo,  like  Kiwewa, 
has  the  royal  title  of  Kabaka,  and  is  over  all  the  princesses,  who 
are  not  kept  in  durance  like  their  brothers.  The  god  Mukasa,  as  a 
return  for  this  princess,  sent  to  the  king  the  famous  warrior  Kibuka, 
whose  legend  I  have  given  on  p.  97.  Thus  Princess  Nasolo  is 
wife  of  god  Mukasa,  Princess  Nabweteme  is  wife  of  god  Nende, 
Princess  Nabaroga  is  wife  of  the  Lubare  of  Musongole,  etc.,  etc. 

t  Mapera,  name  of  the  French  missionaries,  but  also  word  for 
Guavas.  "  What  is  your  name  ?  "  the  people  had  asked  the  first 
French  missionary.  He  had  replied,  "  Call  us  '  Mes  peres.'  " 
The  natives  immediately  called  him  by  the  nearest  word  which 
they  knew  of  a  similar  sound,  which  was  Mapera  (Guavas.) 


io6  Cross  and  Crescent  tmite  [1888 

Nasiwa  replied,  "  By  no  means,  since  it  is  his  children 
who  are  fighting  with  you.  He  will  seize  you,  and 
give  you  up  to  them."  Mwanga  then  returned  to  his 
Lubiri  or  enclosure.  He  came  out  and  stood  by  the 
great  entrance  gate — the  Wankaki — with  about  a 
hundred  of  his  boys,  who  were  armed,  many  of  them, 
with  breech-loading  rifles,  and  a  few  with  Winchester 
repeating  rifles. 

The  Prime  Minister's  enclosure  is  on  the  lower  slope 
of  Mengo,  to  the  left-hand  side  as  you  approach  the 
king's  gateway.  Mwanga  sent  some  of  his  boys  to 
implore  old  Mukasa  to  come  to  his  aid,  but  the  Prime 
Minister  sent  a  polite  message  back  that  he  would 
fight  for  the  king  where  he  was,  and  hold  the  lower 
slope  of  Mengo.  Meanwhile  two  columns  advanced 
with  the  beating  of  innumerable  drums  and  wild 
shouts  of  triumph  upon  Mwanga  and  his  little 
following  of  boy  pages — one  column  being  the 
Christian  readers  under  Nyonyi  Entono,  and  Kagwa, 
the  other,  the  Muhammedan  readers  under  Mujasi 
who  was  destined  in  a  few  more  days  to  meet  a 
bloody  death  from  the  very  man  he  was  now  leading 
/  in  triumph  to  the  capital.  Thus  the  Cross  and  the 
Crescent  closed  in  on  heathenism.  As  represented 
by  Mwanga  and  his  boys,  it  made  its  last  stand  in 
i  Uganda. 

No  sooner  had  the  two  columns  advanced  up  Mengo 
than  old  Mukasa's  contingent,  so  far  from  showing 
fight,  went  over  en  masse  to  Kiwewa  without  firing  a 
shot,  and  Mwanga  saw  that  he  was  betrayed.  For  a 
few  more  minutes  the  king  and  his  white-robed  boys 


1 888]  A  modern   Ulysses  107 

stood  their  ground  as  the  long  wave  of  rebels  surged 
onward  towards  them  in  a  deep  line.  As  customary 
in  Uganda  warfare,  each  side  reserved  its  fire  until 
within  a  few  yards  of  one  another,  then,  with  a  sudden 
volley,  the  rifles  blazed  out,  and  one  of  Mwanga's 
faithful  boys  fell  dead  beside  him  pierced  with  a  bullet. 
This  was  enough  for  the  king,  who  turned  and  fled, 
followed  by  his  wives  and  a  multitude  of  pages.  The 
former,  with  the  exception  of  four,  he  sent  back  again, 
and,  followed  by  some  two  hundred  of  the  boys,  he 
hurried  to  Munyonyo  on  the  Lake,  and  embarked  his 
followers  in  several  canoes.  But  as  he  paddled  out 
into  the  lake,  first  one  of  the  canoes  dropped  behind  and 
forsook  him,  and  then  another,  until  he  was  left  alone 
with  the  occupants  of  the  canoe  which  he  had  entered 
himself.  The  victorious  insurgents  had  allowed  no 
pursuit,  which  accounts  for  Mwanga's  having  reached 
the  Lake  in  safety.  The  Baganda  have  a  superstitious 
horror  of  killing  a  king,  and  this  no  doubt  contributed 
to  Mwanga's  escape. 

The  voyage  of  this  modern  Ulysses  was  not  without 
adventure.  Neither  he  nor  his  companions  knew  the 
Lake  ;  but  they  were  fortunate  in  capturing  a  native  of 
the  Sesse  Islands,  who  was  familiar  with  the  route  to 
the  south  of  the  Nyanza,  and  who  acted  as  their 
steersman.  Twice  south  of  Kagera  River  the  little 
party  had  to  fight  for  their  lives,  for  more  than  once 
they  were  attacked  by  armed  bands  of  the  Baziba  ; 
but  these  soon  sheered  off"  when  they  found  that  this 
canoe  was  filled  with  people  all  of  whom  had  breech- 
loading   rifles,   which    they  freely   used.      At    last    the 


io<S  A  dangerous  place  [1888 

exiled  king  reached  Magu,  on  Speke  Gulf,  where  he 
took  refuge  for  a  time  with  some  Arab  traders.  He 
could  hardly  have  selected  a  more  dangerous  place. 
But  we  must  leave  him  for  the  present  to  follow  the 
fortunes  of  Kiwewa,  the  new  king. 


CHAPTER    III 
THREE  KINGS 


New  Chiefs— Retirement  of  the  old  Katikiro—A  royal  Privilege— 
The  new  King—Muhammedan  Influence— An  Arab  Plot— A 
treacherous  Coup— Missions  sacked  and  looted— Shipwrecked  on 
the  Nyattza—Plot  and  Counterplot— MujasVs  Elation— Muj as i 
killed  by  the  King  —  Kiwewa  deposed—  Misunderstaftdings 
atnong  Christians— Mwanga  invited  to  return— Stokes  aids 
Mwanga—King  Kalema  despatches  an  Army  — Defeat  of 
Christians — The  Irony  of  God's  Answer. 


CHAPTER     III 
THREE  KINGS 

THE  revolution  which  set  King  Kiwewa  upon  the 
throne  had  been  effected  without  any  serious 
fighting,  and  the  frightful  tyranny  of  Mwanga's  rule  passed 
away  like  an  evil  dream.  Kiwewa  "ate  Buganda"* 
in  August,  and  immediately  set  about  officially  ap- 
pointing the  chiefs  who  the  successful    Christian    and 

*  "Eating  Buganda  " — i.e.,  becoming  its  Chief  or  Kabaka. 
Another  form  of  it,  "Alide  eng  oma"  ("  He  has  eaten  the  drum  "). 
Some  of  the  ceremonies  of  eating  the  drum,  or  becoming  king, 
are  of  interest.  Since  the  days  of  a  former  King  Mulonda,  his 
chair,  or  stool,  called  Namulonda,  is  always  brought  to  the 
capital  for  the  new  king  to  be  seated  in.  It  is  kept  at  other 
times  in  the  province  of  Singo,  at  the  village  of  Mugulu,  and  is  I 
in  the  hands  of  the  clan  whose  totem  is  the  buffalo  (embogo). 
The  people  in  charge  of  the  chair  (entebe)  are  called  Ba-tebe  or 
chairmen.  But  before  the  enthronement,  as  soon  as  the  candidate 
for  the  throne  has  been  declared  successor  to  the  deceased  king 
by  duly  placing  a  square  of  bark-cloth,  called  Kabugo,  on  the 
dead  king's  body,  he  hastens  off  at  full  speed  to  a  village  called 
Budo — where  I  suppose  the  demi-god  mentioned  on  p.  96  resides. 
Here  there  is  an  anthill ;  and  whichever  of  the  prince  candidates 
succeeds  in  first  climbing  this  and  standing  thereon  is  looked 
upon  as  king.  Near  this  anthill  is  a  house  called  Bu-ganda, 
where  the  successful  candidate  spends  two  days.  During  this 
period  a  monster  python  is  procured,  and  the  king  is  handed  a 


112  New  Chiefs  [i888 

Muhammedan  factions  had  arranged  should  be  given 
the  principal  offices  in  the  kingdom. 

Nyoni-entono  became  Katikiro  or  Prime  Minister. 
His  Christian  name  was  Honorat.  He  was  a  Roman 
Catholic  and  a  confessor,  having  suffered  cruelly  during 
the  persecution.  His  was  a  fine  character,  and  his 
death,  which  took  place  a  little  later  on,  was  a  heavy 
loss  to  the  cause  of  Christianity  in  Uganda.  Kagwa 
Apolo,  the  present  Katikiro,  or  Prime  Minister,  was 
made  Mukwenda,  Chief  of  Singo.  Mujasi,  the  Sabadu, 
of  Stanley,!  who  had  been  the  first  originator  of  the 
massacres  and  murders  of  the  Christians,  was  a  furious 
and  fanatical  Muhammedan.  He  was  subject  at  times  to 
wild  fits  of  passion,  when  he  would  lose  all  self-control, 
and  scream  himself  hoarse  with  rage.  Such  was  the 
/person    who   was  selected  to  be   Kangao,  or  Chief  of 

royal  spear  of  brass,  which  he  sharpens  on  the  python's  living 
body,  the  people  holding  it  securely  the  while.  The  serpent  is 
then  set  free.  The  queen  sister,  the  Lubuga  or  Nalinya,  is  then 
brought,  and  a  piece  of  cane-like  fibre,  used  for  making  baskets, 
and  called  luyulu,  is  presented  to  her  with  a  lukato,  a  kind  of 
skewer  or  bodkin  used  in  piercing  the  holes  through  which  to 
pass  the  fibre  which  binds  the  basket.  These  are  the  implements 
and  materials  for  a  woman's  work  of  basket-making.  She  is  also 
given  a  knife  called  najolo,  unlike  the  ordinary  Uganda  knife, 
which  resembles  an  English  chisel  or  bradawl  in  the  manner  it  is 
fixed  into  its  handle  ;  but  najolo  is  made  like  a  spear,  for  the 
wooden  handle  fits  into  the  iron  socket  as  in  an  English  spade. 

Najolo  and  the  lukato  and  fibre  are  then  presented  to  Nalinya 
with  the  words,  "  Go  and  bind  a  basket,  that  you  may  dish  up 
in  it  your  husband's  food."  Nalinya  is  called  the  new  king's 
wife  until  the  women  belonging  to  his  predecessor  have  been 
allotted  to  him.  None  of  those  who  have  borne  children  are 
among  this  number. 

t  "Through  the  Dark  Continent." 


1 888] 


A  Royal  Privilege 


1 1 


Bulemezi.*      Bugala,  another    Muhammedan,    became 
Kimbugwe,  or  Keeper  of  the  King's  enclosure.    This  post 


AN    UGANDA   MARKET. 


was  the  second  chieftainship  in  the  kingdom.     The  old 

*  Kangao  of  Bulemezi.  Kangao  is  Chief  of  Bulemezi,  the 
northern  province  of  Uganda,  which  was  formerly  an  inde- 
pendent kingdom.  Hence  Kangao  is  permitted  to  retain  the 
Mujaguzu  (royal  drum),  and  may  beat  a  kingly  tattoo  in  his  own 
province. 


114  The  New  King  [isss 

Katikiro,  Mukasa,  retired  to  Mutesa's  tomb  at  Nabula- 
gala,  the  place  where  Mutesa's  old  chiefs  were  wont  to 
retreat  when  they  were  succeeded  by  his  successor's 
appointments.  Kyambalango,  the  old  Pokino,  and  co- 
partner with  Mwanga  in  his  diabolical  plot,  took  flight, 
and  his  place  was  looted. 

At  this  time  the  English  Mission  was  represented 
by  Messrs.  Gordon  and  Walker,  while  Monseigneur 
Lavinhac,  Peres  Sourdel  and  Denoit,  and  a  lay  brother 
occupied  the  French  Mission  on  Rubaga.  As  soon  as 
the  murderer  and  tyrant  Mwanga  had  disappeared 
numbers  of  persecuted  Christians  came  out  of  their 
hiding-places. 

Many  flocked  to  the  king  to  seek  employment  about 
his  person,  trade  revived,  and  the  markets  were  crowded 
with  buyers  and  sellers,  while  the  Missions  were 
thronged  with  busy  learners  and  eager  inquirers. 
^  Writing  of  this  short  but  happy  period,  Gordon 
described  the  Ba-ganda  as  coming  about  the  station 
like  swarms  of  bees. 

The  new  king  held  a  grand  Baraza  (Durbar),  and 
summoned  the  European  missionaries  and  Arab  traders 
to  attend.  The  Europeans  were  given  the  precedence. 
Kiwewa  was  most  prodigal  in  his  promises.  To  the 
Arabs  he  would  give  freedom  for  their  trade,  and  would 
open  the  road  to  Unyoro.  Their  religion  might  be 
taught,  and  he  would  build  them  a  mosque.  The 
Europeans  should  have  full  liberty  to  teach  and  to 
preach  without  let  or  hindrance.  The  people  should 
no  longer  suffer  from  tyranny  such  as  that  just 
broken  ;  and  the  new  monarch  graciously  ordered  that 


Mukammedan  Injluence 


n5 


his  executioners  should  be  armed  with  sticks,  and  not 
with  those  deadly  pliable  cords  with  which  their  victims 
were  bound  before  being  put  to  death.  And  many 
offences  formerly  considered  capital  were  now  to  be 
visited  with  a  milder  punishment. 


BUYING    AND    SELLING. 


But  King  Kiwewa  fell  more  and  more  under 
Muhammedan  influence.  There  were  numbers  of  Arab 
traders  in  the  country,  who  naturally  threw  all  their 
influence  into  the  scale  against  the  Christian  chiefs, 
and  eagerly  fomented  the  feeling  of  jealousy  with 
which  the  Muhammedan  faction  saw  these  Christians 


ii6  An  Arab  Plot  [1888 

occupying  so  many  of  the  important  positions  in  the 
country.  The  Arabs  also  were  much  vexed  at  the 
appointment  of  Nyonyi  Entono  as  Katikiro  in  the 
j  place  of  the  deposed  Mukasa,  for  the  Katikiro  had 
I  great  interest  in  the  ivory  trade  of  the  country,  and 
they  were  bitterly  aggrieved  that  this  important  post  had 
not  fallen  to  one  of  their  own  co-religionists.  There  is 
little  doubt  that  these  Arabs,  from  the  first,  had  planned 
to  seize  Uganda  for  themselves  :  indeed,  without  their 
aid  the  native  Uganda  Muhammedans  could  never  have 
formed  the  strong  faction  in  the  kingdom  which  their 
party  was  soon  to  become. 

,  The  Arabs  very  soon  succeeded  in  forming  a  plot 
I  to  overthrow  the  Christian  chiefs,  and  sought  for  a 
fitting  opportunity  to  put  it  into  execution.  They 
first  of  all  cleverly  worked  upon  the  fears  of  the  king, 
persuading  him  that  the  Christians  meant  to  depose 
him,  and  put  in  his  place  one  of  his  sisters,  who  was 
a  Christian  ;  "  for,"  said  they,  "  is  not  the  chief  nation 
of  Europe  governed  by  a  woman,  Queen  Victoria  }  and 
therefore  the  Christians  in  Uganda  are  seeking  to 
establish  the  same  custom  here."  As  the  Muham- 
medans had  been  chiefly  concerned  in  placing  Kiwewa 
in  power,  he  doubtless  felt  more  or  less  bound  to  listen 
to  their  counsels,  and  to  wink  at  the  treacherous  plot 
which  they  had  hatched  against  the  Christians.  Accord- 
ingly in  October  of  this  year  the  Muhammedans  in  open 
baraza  accused  Nyonyi  Entono,  the  Katikiro,  of  being 
concerned  in  a  plot  to  depose  Kiwewa.  He  vehemently 
denied  it,  and  left  the  Baraza  in  great  indignation,  and 
repaired   to   his   own   enclosure.     Certain   negotiations 


i888]  A   Treackerotts  Coup  1 1 7 

were  then  entered  upon,  and  messengers  were  coming 
and  going  between  the  Katikiro's  enclosure  and  the 
lubiri  (king's  courtyard).  An  important  Muhammedan 
chief  was  actually  within  the  Katikiro's  fence  as  a 
hostage.  He  had  been  sent  in  this  capacity  to  carry 
assurance  that  no  treachery  was  intended,  and  some  of 
the  Christian  chiefs,  not  suspecting  evil,  trusted  them- 
selves within  the  lubiri.  A  murderous  volley  was  suddenly 
opened  upon  them,  and  one  or  two  of  them  fell,  and 
the  rest  fled.  Directly  the  shots  were  fired  outside 
the  Muhammedan  hostage  was  instantly  shot  dead, 
and  Nyonyi  Entono  came  out  with  his  following,  only 
to  meet  a  thoroughly  well-organised  attack.  The 
Arabs  were  there,  and  personally  took  part  in  the 
encounter.  The  Christians  had  been  taken  unawares, 
and  after  making  a  short,  but  ineffectual,  stand,  they 
retreated  ;  and  their  two  leaders,  Nyonyi  Entono,  the 
Katikiro,  and  Kagwa  Apolo,  the  Mukwenda,  led  the 
more  earnest  converts  in  good  order  out  of  the  country. 
Their  number  was  not  great,  and  King  Entare  (lion)  of 
Nkore  or  Busagara,  gave  them  an  asylum  at  a  place 
called  Kabula. 

The  Muhammedan  power  was  now  completely  in 
the  ascendant,  and  a  re-distribution  ot  chieftainships 
took  place.  A  new  Katikiro  was  appointed,  while 
Mujasi,  the  Kangao,  became  Mukwenda.* 

But  with  the  new  order  of  things  it  fared  ill  with  j 
the  European  missionaries,  who  were  immediately  I 
arrested,  brought  up  to  the   Katikiro's  enclosure,  and 

*  Mukwenda,  chief  of  Singo,  a  large  province  north-west  of 
Uganda,  bordering  on  Unyoro. 


ii8  Shipwi'-ecked  on  the  Nyanza  [isss 

immured  in  a  filthy  prison,  where  they  were  kept  for 
a  whole  week.  The  two  missions  were  meanwhile 
sacked  and  looted,  and  on  the  eighth  day  the  mis- 
sionaries were  brought  down  to  the  Lake,  and  put  on 
board  the  English  mission  boat,  the  Eleanor^  or  Mirenibe. 
Walker  was  even  stripped  of  his  outer  clothing.  The 
French  priests  were  allowed  to  take  on  board  some 
cowrie  shells  with  which  to  buy  food,  and  then  the 
little  party  sadly  bade  farewell  to  the  land  of  so  many 
sorrows  and  triumphs  of  the  Gospel. 

But  though  they  had  escaped  as  by  a  miracle  from 
the  hands  of  their  enemies,  a  sudden  disaster  befell 
them  from  a  totally  unexpected  quarter.  The  boat 
was  stove  in  by  a  hippopotamus,  and  capsized.  They 
were  near  an  island,  and  most  of  the  party  were  able 
to  make  the  shore.  The  French  priests,  however,  had 
a  number  of  children  with  them,  and  five  of  these 
little  ones  found  a  watery  grave  in  the  Nyanza. 

The  boat  was  recovered,  and  towed  to  land  with  the 
help  of  some  native  canoes,  and  Walker,  though  without 
proper  tools,  succeeded  in  repairing  her  in  a  manner 
anything  but  to  his  own  satisfaction,  yet  sufficiently 
to   make  her  float  again. 

The  little  band  then  renewed  their  doubly  dangerous 
journey,  and  by  the  good  hand  of  God  upon  them, 
after  a  voyage  of  seventeen  days,  succeeded  in  reaching 
the  south  end  of  the  Nyanza,  and  put  in  at  Bukumbi, 
the  French  mission  station.  Next  day  Walker  and 
Gordon  went  on  to  Usambiro,  where  they  were  kindly 
welcomed  by  Mackay. 

Having  thus   got  rid  of  their    Christian    rivals,  the 


1 888]  Plot  and  Counter-Plot  119 

Muhammedans  now  determined  that  the  whole  of 
Uganda  should  profess  Islam  ;  and  in  order  to  ac- 
complish this  resolve,  they  realised  that  it  was  necessary 
to  begin  by  converting  the  king.  The  Katikiro 
(Muguluma),  and  Mujasi  the  Mukwenda,  with  others, 
accordingly  waited  upon  the  king,  and  broached  their 
ideas  to  him.  Kiwewa  now  saw  that  he  was  in  the 
hands  of  fanatics  of  the  worst  type,  and  began  bitterly 
to  regret  that  he  had  suffered  these  Muhammedanl 
bigots  to  drive  from  the  kingdom  his  Christian  chiefs,; 
who,  at  any  rate,  had  not  proposed  baptism  to  him,  as; 
the  Muhammedans  were  urging  upon  him  the  initiatory 
rite  of  their  religion. 

Kiwewa  declared  point  blank  that  he  would  never 
consent  to  the  rite,  and  that  he  would  rather  be  deposed,  [ 
as  Mwanga  had  been,  than  agree  to  its  imposition, 
and  the  baffled  chiefs  left  him  to  consult  as  to  what  1 
was  best  to  be  done.  They  then  formed  the  extra- 
ordinary project  of  seizing  the  king,  and  imposing  the 
rite  by  force,*  and  twelve  of  their  number  were 
appointed  to  carry  out  the  undertaking,  of  whom 
Bugala  and  Mujasi  were  the  principal  men.  But,  like 
so  many  Uganda  plots,  this  scheme  leaked  out,  and 
Kiwewa  got  wind  of  it,  and  sent  to  say  he  had  re- 
considered his  determination,  and  was  prepared  to 
become  an  out-and-out  Mussulman,  and  appointed  a 
day  when  he  would  undergo  the  initiatory  rite  at  the 

*  This  imposition  of  the  rite  of  circumcision  by  force  made  \ 
the  Muhammedans  hated  and  execrated  by  the  heathen  peasantry,    \ 
and  accounted  largely  for  the  numbers  that  flocked  to  the  exiled  / 
Christian  chiefs. 


y 


I20  Mujasis  Elation   .  [1888 

hands  of  those  whose  religion  he  was  about  to  profess. 
It  is  stated  that  the  unhappy  king  had  made  an 
abortive  endeavour  to  poison  some  of  his  fanatical  chiefs. 
Nine  days  had  now  passed  since  the  treacherous 
attack  upon  the  Christians,  and  the  day  had  come  when 
Kiwewa  would  finally  witness  his  belief  in  Islam. 

Mujasi,  though  anxious,  was  yet  elated.  He  had  thus 
far  been  a  sharp  sword  in  the  Prophet's  cause,  and  had 
prospered.  He  could  look  back  upon  a  long  series  of 
what  he  considered  triumphs  of  the  faith,  which  were 
due  almost  entirely  to  him.  To  him  had  belonged  the 
honour  of  having  shed  the  first  Christian  blood  in 
Uganda,  though  it  were  but  the  blood  of  children.  His 
voice  had  counselled  Hannington's  death.  It  was  at 
his  instance  the  frightful  massacres  of  Christians  in 
1886  were  carried  out.  It  was  his  hand  that  had 
helped  to  expel  Mwanga  when  he  had  turned  against 
the  followers  of  the  prophet,  and  now,  the  final  triumph 
of  Islam  was  about  to  be  assured  in  Uganda  by  the 
present  king's  submission  to  that  rite  which  Mujasi  had 
been  the  foremost  in  forcing  him  to  accept. 

Mujasi  and  his  assistants  accordingly  presented 
themselves  at  Kiwewa's  enclosure,  and  were  admitted 
with  their  following,  and  the  outer  gates  were  closed. 
The  king  had,  meanwhile,  made  his  own  preparations, 
and  behind  the  bark-cloth  hangings  in  the  house  of 
reception  had  placed  a  large  number  of  his  executioners 
ready  with  their  cords,  waiting  to  spring  out  and  seize 
the  chiefs  when  the  time  was  come. 

The  haughty  Muhammedans  entered,  and  the  King 
politely  received  them.     "  Mutuse  banange  "  ("You  have 


1 888 J  Mujasi  killed  by  the  King  121 

come,  my  friends  "),  he  said.  TJien  something  of  this 
sort  occurred.  Suddenly  rising,  he  turned  to  Mujasi, 
and  said,  "So  you  have  eaten  Buganda,  and  you  will 
make  the  Kabaka  your  slave?"  Mujasi  and  the  Katikiro 
were  instantly  pinioned  from  behind,  and  Kiwewa  killed 
the  former  with  his  own  hand.  There  was  wild  con- ' 
fusion.  The  Katikiro's  boy,  who  was  sitting  in  the! 
doorway,  fired  a  gun  at  the  king.  On  this  the  gates 
were  burst  open,  and  the  Muhammedans  and  Arabs 
who  were  waiting  outside  rushed  in.  Kiwewa  ran 
from  his  enclosure  and  fled  to  his  father's  tomb, 
accompanied  by  a  number  of  the  old  heathen  chiefs. 

But  neither  Mukasa  nor  the  guardians  of  the  grave 
would  give  him  any  countenance  or  afford  him  any 
help.  They  even  showed  him  violence,  and  five  of  his 
people  were  killed.  He  then  fled  to  a  place  called 
Kyebango,  accompanied  by  the  chiefs  still  faithful  to 
him  ;  and  there  he  spent  the  night 

The  Muhammedans  meanwhile  brought  Kiwewa's  | 
younger  brother,  Kalema,  who,  to  gain  the  kingdom, 
willingly  embraced  Islam.  He  was  a  very  different 
man  from  Mwanga,  and  as  brave  as  Mvvanga  was 
cowardly.  Next  day  he  sent  to  attack  Kiwewa, 
whose  chiefs  advised  him  to  give  battle.  Kiwewa 
was,  however,  quickly  routed,  and  some  twenty  of 
his  followers  were  kille'd.  He  himselt  was  made 
prisoner,  and  brought  back  to  the  capital,  where  he  was 
put  into  the  stocks  and  strongly  guarded. 

The  Christian  chiefs,  Nyonyi  Entono  and  Kagwa, 
had  gone  to  Enkore  or  Busagara  to  the  country  of  the 
Muhuma,   King    Entarc    (Hon).       Entare    was   a   great 


122     Misunderstandings  among  Christians      [1889 

friend  of  one  of  the  chief  men  among  the  Christians, 
Sebwato  Nikodemo,  who  had  formerly  been  sent  by 
the  old  Katikiro  to  sell  ivory  at  Enkore.  Nikodemo 
conducted  his  fugitive  fellow-Christians  to  Entare, 
who  hospitably  received  them  owing  to  his  former 
friendship  with  Nikodemo. 

But  Entare  would  not  welcome  a  daily  growing  host 
of  fugitives  unless  they  could  make  it  worth  his  while 
to  do  so  :  his  guests,  therefore,  set  to  work  bridging 
swamps,  and  making  raids  on  Uganda  as  well  as  on  the 
neighbouring  Banyarwanda,  who  were  themselves  great 
I  cattle  raisers,  and  also  cattle  raiders.  News  now  reached 
the  exiled  Christian  colony  that  Mwanga  had  fled 
'  from  the  Arabs  and  taken  refuge  with  Mackay, 
and  was  learning  the  Protestant  religion,  while  at  the 
same  time  one  of  the  Roman  Catholics  told  his 
companions  the  English  disciples  were  about  to  attack 
them. 

A  hasty  council  was  thereupon  held  by  the  French 
converts  as  to  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to 
forestal  the  expected  attack  by  immediately  falling  on 
the  Protestants.  Word  soon  reached  these  last  of  the 
discussion,  and  they  went  in  hot  haste  to  ask  what  it 
meant,  indignantly  denying  that  they  had  any  hostile 
intent.  The  difficulty  was  for  the  time  smoothed  over, 
more  especially  as  it  turned  dut  that  Mwanga  was  not 
with  Mackay,  but  with  the  French  priests  at  Bukumbi, 
to  which  place  he  had  gone  having  made  his  escape 
from  the  Arabs  at  Magu. 

The  Christians  were  now  growing  so  numerous  that 
t    was    debated    among    them  whether    it    might  not 


u 


1889]  Mwaiiga  invited  to  return  123 

be  feasible  to  return    to    Uganda    and    overthrow   the  • 
Muhammedan  power.  ' 

Kalema  was  hateful  to  the  Bakopi,  or  common  people, 
who  fled  in  daily  increasing  numbers  to  join  the 
Christian  fugitives,  among  whom  dissension  was 
growing  rife,  while  famine  seemed  to  stare  them  in 
the  face.  It  was  suggested  that  they  should  invite 
Mwanga  to  return,  since  \vith  nim  as  their  head  they 
would  soon  have  a  very  large  foUomng  throughout  the 
country.  They  therefore  sent  messengers  to  ask  the 
advice  of  both  the  English  and  French  missionaries, 
who  were  at  the  south  of  the  Lake,  as  to  the  best 
means  of  carrying  out  this  project.  Some  of  the  exiles 
had  a  plan  for  making  an  expedition  to  Uganda  in 
order  to  seize  another  of  Mutesa's  sons,  all  of  whom, 
with  the  exception  of  Mwanga,  were  now  in  Kalema's 
hands.  The  more  prudent,  however,  prevailed  upon 
them  to  wait  the  return  of  the  messengers  sent  to 
invite  Mwanga's  return.  Some  of  the  Protestants  were 
doubtful  about  having  anything  to  say  to  Mwanga,  and 
seem  to  have  written  in  this  strain  to  Mackay  and 
Gordon  ;  but  it  is  quite  evident  that  a  formal  invitation 
was  sent  from  the  whole  body  to  Mwanga  to  come 
back. 

These  envoys  to  the  missionaries  started  early  in 
March,  and  made  their  way  to  Bukoba,  which  had  not 
as  yet  been  occupied  by  the  Germans,  but  belonged 
to  King  Mukotanyi,  who  supplied  them  with  canoes. 
In  these  they  made  their  way  to  the  French  mission 
at  Bukumbi,  and  presented  the  invitation  to  Mwanga 
to    return.       Stokes,    the    ivory  trader    and    quondam 


124  Stokes  aids  Mwanga  [1889 

missionary,  had  just  brought  up  to  the  Nyanza  a 
boat  in  sections,  and  put  her  together.  He  visited 
Ukumbi,  and  was  implored  by  Mwanga  to  give  him 
a  passage  in  his  boat  to  Uganda.  Mwanga  promised 
a  heavy  reward  in  ivory  if  Stokes  would  help  him  in 
this  way,  and  also  supply  him  with  ammunition  and 
guns.  Stokes  accepted  the  offer,  and,  with  the  help 
of  the  French  priests,  an  expedition  was  organised  and 
armed,  having  for  its  object  the  restoration  of  Mwanga. 
The  deputation,  or  rather  the  Protestant  portion  of  it, 
went  on  from  Bukumbi  up  the  creek  to  Usambiro, 
accompanied  by  two  of  Mwanga's  lads,  to  ask  Mackay 
to  lend  him  the  mission  boat,  the  Eleanor,  to  take 
with  him  on  his  expedition.  The  members  of  the 
deputation  somewhat  guardedly  asked  for  advice. 
Mackay  and  Gordon's  advice  was  that  their  converts 
should  on  no  account  have  anything  to  do  with  re- 
I  storing  Mwanga.  Mackay  sent  to  Mwanga,  advising 
him  to  stay  where  he  was,  and  wrote  to  Monseigneur 
Livinhac,  telling  him  that  the  English  missionaries 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  Mwanga's  scheme.  To 
this  letter  Monseigneur  Livinhac  replied  as  follows  : — 

"Bukumbi,  South  of  Victoria  Nyanza, 

"Notre  Dame  de  Kamoga, 

^'  April  Tpth,    1889. 

"My  Dear  Friend, — 

"  I  thank  you    for   your   news,  and  for  telling 
me  frankly  what  you  think  concerning  Buganda. 

"  I  had    already  told   Mwanga  and    his  people  that 
their    project   is   a    dangerous    one.      All   replied    that 


1889]       King  Kalema  despatches  an  Army       125 

they  knew  the  danger,  but  that  would  not  hinder 
them ;  that  they  did  not  mean  to  raise  '  rebellion,' 
nor  a  war  for  religion,  but  only  an  '  expedition  '  in 
order  to  expel  a  usurper  and  the  foreign  invaders 
(Arabs),  and  to  restore  the  rightful  king,  as  also  to 
allow  to  return  to  their  own  country  those  who  had 
been  unjustly  driven  away,  and  who  were  suffering 
from  hunger  in  exile. 

"  I  do  not  know  if  they  will  be  able  to  land  in 
their  country,  and  to  join  their  brethren.  Perhaps  in 
a  few  days  we  shall  see  them  come  back  as  they  went. 

"  I  do  not  know  what  your  converts  will  do,  but 
one  of  them,  *  very  influential,'  has  written  to  us, 
begging  us  to  allow  Mwanga  to  go,  if  he  is  with  us, 
as  he  is  the  heir  of  Mtesa,  and  if  he  promises  *  liberty.' 

[Signed)  "  Leon  Livinhac." 

Gordon  had  also  written  strongly  to  Stokes,  urging 
him  to  refrain  from  taking  Mwanga  in  his  boat,  or 
otherwise  aiding  him  to  regain  his  throne.  But  the 
expedition  had  started  before  Gordon's  letter  arrived 
at  its  destination. 

Meanwhile  news  had  reached  Kalema  that  mes- 
sengers had  gone  to  invite  Mwanga  to  return,  and 
that  Mukotanyi  had  provided  them  with  canoes. 
Kalema  immediately  despatched  an  army  to  attack 
Mukotanyi,  who,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  advance 
of  the  invading  force,  sent  off  post-haste  to  implore 
the  aid  of  the  Christian  party,  since,  he  urged,  it  was 
to  benefit  them  he  had  incurred  the  hostility  of  Kalema. 

The  Christians,  therefore,  on  hearing  of  the  intended 


1 26  Defeat  of  the  Christians  [1889 

invasion  of  Mukotanyi's  country,  marched  into  Budu, 
and  intercepted  the  Muhammedan  army  under  Wamala 
the  Mukwenda  before  it  could  reach  Bukoba,  and 
inflicted  upon  it  a  severe  defeat.  Wamala  returned 
in  disgrace,  and  Kalema  then  sent  his  Katikiro  with 
a  still  larger  force  to  oppose  the  victorious  Christians, 
who  were  advancing  in  two  divisions  on  the  capital. 
The  Muhammedans  awaited  the  approaching  host  in 
the  plantations,  and  a  fierce  encounter  ensued.  One 
division  of  the  Christians  was  victorious,  and  eight  of 
the  Muhammedan  leaders  fell  ;  but  the  other  division 
met  with  disaster,  and  the  young  Roman  Catholic 
Katikiro,  Nyonyi  Entono,  was  killed,  with  many  others, 
the  Christians  losing  some  two  or  three  hundred  killed. 
This  battle  was  fought  at  a  place  called  Mayuki. 

The  Christians  now  retreated,  followed  by  their 
victorious  adversaries,  who  pursued  them  until  they 
had  driven  them  over  the  frontier. 

Tired  out  and  dispirited  they  returned  to  Kabula, 
to  hear  that  Mwanga  had  actually  arrived,  and  was 
even  now  at  Dumu  on  the  coast  of  Budu.  This  was 
early  in  May. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Kalema  kept  his 
spies  in  the  Christian  camp,  for  news  seems  to  have 
reached  him  of  the  scheme  to  carry  off  one  of  the 
remaining  princes  ;  so  to  make  this  impossible,  he 
immediately  put  the  unhappy  Kiwewa  to  death,  and 
secured  every  prince  (Mulangira) and  princess  (Mumbeja), 
remembering  the  plan  formerly  suggested,  that  the 
Christians  might  even  seize  a  princess,  and  make  her 
queen.     And   these   unfortunate  people   their   ruthless 


1889]  The  Irony  of  God's  Answer  127 

brother  burned  to  death.  This  shocking  atrocity  was 
hardly  perpetrated  when  he  heard  of  Mwanga's  arrival 
with  a  large  following  at  his  gates,  a  piece  of  news 
which  may  well  seem  to  carry  with  it  the  irony  of 
God's  answer  to  that  fearful  crime. 


CHAPTER    IV 

SCRAMBLING  FOR    UGANDA 


A  Reverse  for  Mwanga — ' '  They  that  take  the  Sword  shall  perish 
with  the  Sword" — A  dignified  Death — A  brilliant  Feat — 
Zakaria  appeals  to  Stanley — An  Act  of  Christian  Virtue  !  — 
Battle  of  Nasenyi — Battle  of  Kitebi — Battle  of  Kinakulia — 
hnperial  British  East  Africa  Company — Dr.  Carl  Peters — 
Preparations  for  fighting — A  solemji  Compact — Death  of 
Mackay — Victory  of  Bulwanyi — Arrival  of  Dr.  Peters — Arrival 
of  Jackson  and  Gedge — Failure  of  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company's  Treaty — The  First  Christian  Church — Palm  Trees 
lift  up  their  slender  Stems. 


1889] 


CHAPTER    IV 

SCRAMBLING  FOR    UGANDA 

THE  messengers  who  had  been  sent  to  ask  Mackay's 
advice  returned  with  the  king,  and  brought  the 
letters  which  Mackay  and  Gordon  had  written  to  the 
Protestant  party,  strongly  urging  them  to  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  scheme  of  replacing  Mwanga.*  But 
already  the  matter  had  been  settled  for  them  by  the 
Muhammedan  attack  upon  their  ally  Mukotanyi.  They 
therefore  decided  to  go  to  Mwanga's  assistance,  though 
with  extreme  vexation  that  they  appeared  to  be 
rejecting  the  advice  of  Mackay. 

Meanwhile  Kalema  collected  another  army  which  he 

*  Mackay,  in  writing  home  about  the  advice  he  and  Gordon 
had  given,  observes:  "Should  the  scheme  succeed,  I  fear 
greatly  that  Mwanga,  once  in  power,  will  wreak  a  terrible  1 
revenge  on  the  Christians,  who  were  the  chief  agents  in  driving 
him  from  Bugunda,  and  especially  on  the  Protestants  for 
declining  to  help  to  restore  him.  Here,  too,  we  shall  not  be 
safe  from  Mwanga's  malice,  which  will  not  be  less  when  he  has 
Romanists  as  his  chief  advisers.  Even  Pere  Lourdel  is  reported 
to  have  already  given  out  that  when  Mwanga  is  restored,  we 
need  never  e.xpect  to  be  allowed  to  set  foot  again  in  Buganda, 
seeing  that  we  refused  tc  aid  in  accomplishing  his  restoration. 

131 


132  A  Reverse  for  Mwanga  [1889 

sent  to  attack  Mwanga.  The  Sesse  Islanders  had  all 
declared  for  Mwanga,  and  as  they  were  the  sailors  of 
Uganda,  this  gave  the  Christian  faction  the  command  of 
the  Nyanza.  Mwanga  and  his  following,  now  swollen 
to  many  thousands,  advanced  inland  from  Dumu  to 
Badja,  some  twenty  miles  from  the  Lake.  They  had 
between  one  and  two  thousand  guns,  and  a  large 
following  of  spearmen,  but  they  had  not  recovered 
from  their  last  defeat,  and  their  lack  of  enthusiasm  for 
their  anything  but  valiant  king  no  doubt  contributed 
to  the  unhappy  result  of  the  first  encounter  ;  for  they 
were  badly  beaten.  The  Muhammedan  Baganda  were 
led  by  Arabs,  whose  courage,  as  well  as  the  possession  of 
breech-loading  rifles,  no  doubt  contributed  to  the  victory 
which  they  obtained.  I  do  not  think  there  was  much 
loss  of  life  in  this  encounter.  Mwanga's  chief  leader, 
Muemba,was  killed,  whereupon  his  followers  immediately 
fled,  not  so  much,  I  imagine,  from  craven  fear,  as  that 
probably  they  thought  the  white  man  Stokes  and  their 
king  ought  to  have  led  them  in  person,  and  not  have 
watched  the  course  of  events  from  a  safe  distance. 
Fighting,  however,  was  not  in  Stokes*  contract,  and 
Mwanga  had  no  stomach  for  the  risk  it  entailed. 
When  the  day  was  lost,  Mwanga  fled  back  to  Stokes' 
boat  with  some  two  hundred  of  his  people.  The 
people  embarked  in  canoes,  while  he  himself  travelled 
in  the  boat,  and  made  his  way  to  the  Sesse  Islands, 
where  he  was  enthusiastically  received  by  the  islanders, 
and  where  for  a  time  he  made  his  camp.  The  main 
body  of  Christians  retreated  once  more  to  Kabula,  to 
await  further  developments. 


i889]  "  They  that  take  the  Sword  shall  Perish  "133 

There  was  one  remarkable  feature  in  this  strife, 
exemplifying  our  Lord's  words,  "  They  that  take  the 
sword  shall  perish  with  the  sword,"  since,  one  way 
or  another,  nearly  all  those  great  chiefs  who  had  been 
persecutors  had  met  their  deaths.  Mujasi,  who,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  treacherously  killed  the  Christians,  had 
himself  been  treacherously  killed  by  Kiwevva,  while 
Kiwewa,  who  had  countenanced  the  murder  of  the 
men  who  were  hostile  to  the  Muhammedans,  met  his 
own  death  at  the  hands  of  his  Muhammedan  brother 
Kalema.  Kyambalango,  the  old  Kimbugwe,  who  had 
counselled  the  murder  of  Bishop  Hannington,  and  had 
been  involved  with  Mwanga  in  the  plot  to  slay  the 
Christians,  was  subsequently  wounded  in  one  of  the 
battles  against  them.  He  fled,  and  was  pursued  by  a 
number  of  heathen  spearmen,  and  burnt  to  death  by 
them  in  a  hut  in  which  he  had  taken  refuge.  There 
remained  only  the  old  Katikiro,  who  had  refused  help 
to  Kiwewa  when  he  fled  to  Mutesa's  tomb,  and  who, 
through  all  the  troubles,  had  succeeded  in  keeping  on 
the  winning  side.  This  man  had  penetration  enough 
to  see  that  the  Arabs  would  not  be  able  to  hold  their 
own  against  the  Europeans  ;  nor  is  it  unlikely  that 
rumours  had  reached  Uganda  that  white  men  were 
on  the  march  to  Usoga.  This  must  have  been  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company's  expedition  under 
Mr.  Jackson.  The  old  Katikiro  seems,  therefore,  to 
have  made  some  kind  of  overtures  to  Mwanga.  At 
any  rate,  Kalema,  suspecting  his  loyalty,  sent  men  to 
murder  him.  When  the  messengers  came  he  behaved 
with  much  dignity,  and  met  his  death  with  the  greatest 


134  ^  Dignified  Death  [1889 

courage.  He  saw  that  his  murder  was  intended,  and 
made  no  resistance.  He  was  shot,  and  his  body  cast 
into  one  of  the  houses,  which  was  then  set  on  fire,  so 
that  all  that  was  mortal  of  him  thus  perished  in  the 
flames.  This  man  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
Africans  I  have  q.vzx  met.  He  possessed  an  astonish- 
ing insight  into  character.  He  was  as  courteous  and 
polite  as  an  Arab.  Emin  Pasha  called  him  the  one 
gentleman  in  Uganda.  When  not  carried  away  by  the 
cruel  passion  of  revenge  he  could  take  a  statesmanlike 
view  of  affairs.  I  have  a  vivid  recollection  of  his  proud 
and  handsome  face,  which  yet  was  so  difficult  to  read. 

But  underlying  all  his  suavity  and  politeness  there 
was  a  determined  and  bitter  hatred  for  foreigners  ;  and 
whether  it  was  consummate  acting  or  genuine  feeling, 
he  displayed  a  touching  fidelity  to  the  memory  of  his 
old  master,  King  Mutesa.  Though  he  could  read  a 
Gospel,  and  knew  something  of  the  Koran,  he  died  as 
he  had  lived — an  adherent  of  the  old  Uganda  religion. 

Meanwhile  Mwanga  proceeded  with  his  fleet  of 
canoes  along  the  coast  of  Uganda,  pillaging  and  burn- 
ing, and  made  his  way  round  Entebe  Point — now  Fort 
Alice — and  up  Murchison  Bay  to  the  famous  islet  of 
Bulinguge,  where  he  formed  his  camp.  Stokes  left 
him  at  the  end  of  June  ;  but  before  doing  so  wrote  on 
behalf  of  Mwanga  to  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  explaining  the  position  of  affairs,  and  beg- 
ging for  assistance.  These  letters,  which  were  dated 
June  7th,  lay  for  some  time  in  Kavirondo,  and  Mr. 
Jackson  did  not  receive  them  till  November  7th,  when 
he  arrived  at  the  east  side  of  the  Nyanza  in  that  month. 


1*89]  A  Brilliant  Feat  135 

Mwanga's  people   meanwhile  had    several  successful 
skirmishes  with  the  Muhammedans,  and  succeeded  in  the  ! 
brilliant  feat  of  destroying  an   Arab  dhow  which  was  ) 
carrying  arms  and  ammunition  to  Kalema.      On  board  ' 
this    vessel    was  an    Arab    named    Halfan,    who    was 
made    prisoner,   and   who    was    ransomed  only   on   his 
friends  depositing  with   Mwanga   five  hundred  pounds 
of  gunpowder,   seventy  muzzle-loading  guns,  and   nine 
bales  of  calico.       This  ammunition   subsequently  came 
from  the  Arabs  at  Magu,  on   the  south  of  the  Nyanza, 
who  despatched  it  by  Stokes'  boat. 

Mwanga  now  sent  two  important  deputations  to  the 
French  and  English  missionaries  at  the  south  of  the 
Lake,  inviting  them  to  come  back  and  give  Christian 
instruction  to  his  followers.  I  give  his  letter  to 
Mackay  : — 

"BuLiNGUGE,  June  25M,  T889. 
"  To  Mr.  Mackay, 

"  I  send  very  many  compliments  to  you 
and  to  Mr.  Gordon. 

"  After  compliment?,  I,  Mwanga,  beg  of  you  to  help 
me.      Do  not  remember  bygone  matters.      We  are  now 
in  a  miserable  plight,  but  if  you,  my  fathers,  are  willing  \ 
to  come  and   help  to  restore   me  to  my  kingdom,  you    j 
will  be  at  liberty  to  do  whatever  you  like.  • 

"  Formerly  I  did  not  know  God,  but  now  I  knov/  the  | 
religion  of  Jesus  Christ.       Consider  how   Kalema  has 
killed   all   my  brothers  and   sisters  ;  he  has  killed  my 
children,   too,    and    now    there    remain    only    we    two 
princes   [Kalema  and   himself].      Mr.  Mackay,  do  help 


-J 


136  Zakaria  appeals  to  Stanley  [1889 

me  ;  I  have  no  strength,  but  if  you  are  with  me  I  shall 
be  strong.  Sir,  do  not  imagine  that  if  you  restore 
Mwanga  to  Buganda  he  will  become  bad  again.  If 
you  find  me  become  bad,  then  you  may  drive  me  from 
the  throne  ;  but  I  have  given  up  my  former  ways,  and 
I  only  wish  now  to  follow  your  advice. 

"  I  am  your  friend, 

{Signed)  "  Mwanga." 

In  response  to  the  appeal  for  missionaries,  Messrs. 
Gordon  and  Walker  left  Usambiro  on  August  27th, 
en  route  to  join  Mwanga  on  Bulinguge  Island.  Mr. 
Stanley  came  into  Usambiro  with  Emin  Pasha  the 
following  day.  As  he  journeyed  from  Kavalli's  he  had 
been  met  by  Zakaria  and  Samwili,  who  had  been  sent 
•by  the  fugitive  Christians  to  ask  his  aid  in  restoring 
Mwanga,  but  Stanley  had  no  great  faith  in  Mwanga, 
and  besides,  it  appeared  to  him  that  the  Uganda 
question  was  rather  too  important  a  matter  to  enter 
upon  as  a  parenthesis  in  his  great  feat  of  relieving 
Emin  Pasha.  He  therefore  felt  obliged  to  refuse  aid  to 
the  exiled  Christians. 

But  to  return  to  Uganda.  Kalema,  finding  himself 
in  difficulties  as  to  water  transport,  attempted  to  obtain 
canoes  from  the  island  of  Uvema,  but  unsuccessfully. 

Meanwhile  Kagwa  Apolo  and  his  following  having 
somewhat  recovered  their  spirits  after  the  disaster  which 
they  had  met,  moved  out  of  Kabula,  and,  marching  by 
the  little  kingdom  of  Koki,  on  the  western  border  of 
Budu,  they  made  an  alliance  with  Kamswaga,  its   king, 


1 8891  An  Act  of  Christian    Virtue!  137 

and  with  him  attacked  Muguluma,  the  Muhammedan 
commander.  Muguluma  was  killed,  and  his  followers 
fled,  and    a  vast    number    of    women    were    captured. 


MATAYO    THE    MUJASI. 


REV.    H.    W.    DUTA    KITAKUI.E. 


WASWA 
THE    MUKWENDA. 


KAGWA   THE    KATIKIRO 
WITH    HIS    WIFE    AND    SISTER. 


These  women  were  set  free — all,  I  suppose,  but  some  of 
the  best  of  them.  The  Uganda  commander  speaks  as 
if  this  were   an   act  of  Christian  virtue  ;   but   there  was 


138  The  Battle  of  Nasenyi  [1889 

a  good  deal  of  policy  in   it,  since  the  army  could  not 
hamper  itself  with  vast  crowds  of  captives  who  required 
to  be  fed,  and  were  always  a  tenfold  source  of  danger. 
The     Christians    then    advanced    to    a    village    called 
Nasenyi,  where    they   were    attacked   in   force   by  the 
enemy,  and   severely  defeated,  losing  between   two  and 
three  hundred  men.    Kagwa  fled  to  a  place  called  Jungo, 
and  sent  to  call  the  fighting  men  to  come  to  him  there. 
He  also  sent  to  Mwanga  for  help.      The  king  responded 
by    sending    him    a    thousand   men    with   guns.      With 
these  Kagwa  advanced  to  attack  the  Muhammedans  at 
a  place  called   Munkabira,  which  he  reached  at  about 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.      Here  a  severe  engage- 
ment  was    fought    in   which   the   Muhammedans    were 
worsted,    losing     fully     four     hundred     men.       Kagwa 
followed  them  as  far  as  the  village  of  Kitebe,  only  a 
few  miles  from  Mengo,  where  he  slept.      At  dawn  next 
day,   October   5  th,  the  battle  was  renewed,  and   again 
the  Christians  were  victorious,  inflicting  severe  loss  upon 
the  enemy,  one  or  two  important  chiefs  being  among 
the  killed.      Kagwa  then  advanced   on   Mengo,  which 
was  quickly  stormed   and   taken.      The  Muhammedans, 
under  Kalema,  retreated  to   a  place  about  four  hours' 
distance,  called    Kinakulya,  where  they  formed  a  camp. 
Mwanga,    on    hearing    of    this    victory,    came   from 
Rulinguge    to    a    place    called    Musambya,    where    he 
redistributed   the    chieftainships,*    and    six    days    later 

/       *  In  this  distribution  the  country  was  about  equally  divided 

between    the   two   religious   factions.       How    could    this    have 

;    happened    if  the    Roman   Catholics  were  numerically  stronger 

'    and  so  much  more  powerful  than  the  Protestants  ?    It  is  a  further 


1889]  The  Battle  of  Kmakulia  139 

entered   Mengo  in  triumph,  on   October    iith,  after  ^n 
absence  of  some  fourteen  months. 

The  Muhammedans,  though  defeated,  and  though 
something  like  thirty  Arabs  had  perished  one  way  or 
another  in  the  campaign,  were  by  no  means  crushed  ; 
and  Kalema,  having  gathered  another  army  quickly, 
advanced  towards  Mengo.  Kagwa  Apolo  (now 
Katikiro)  was  appointed  leader  of  the  Christian  army, 
and  marched  out  to  Kinakulia  with  two  thousand  six 
hundred  guns  and  the  usual  complement  of  spearmen, 
who  were  not  very  particular  which  side  they  fought 
upon.  Loot  was  their  main  object  in  following  the  more 
formidable  fighting  men  of  the  religious  factions.  At 
first  the  Christians  were  successful,  but  unhappily  their 
leader  Kagwa  was  wounded,  receiving  a  bullet  in  his 
armpit,  whereupon  his  followers  fell  back.  The 
Mukwenda  Waswa  (a  Protestant)  sustained  the  attack 
for  some  time,  but  he  also  fell  back  on  the  village 
of  Kilangira,  whither  the  wounded  leader  had  preceded 
him. 

When  Kagwa  found  Waswa  had  been  worsted  he 
ran  full  speed  to  inform  the  king,  and  Mwanga  and 
his  court  hurried  off  once  more  to  Bulinguge  Island.* 
The  bulk  of  Mwanga's  army  now  dispersed,  part  going 
to  Kyagwe,  on  the  east,  and  part  going  to  Rudu,  to 
the  south,  of  which   province  old  Nikodemo  was  chief 

proof  of  what  I  have  always  maintained,  that  before  the  king- 
became  a  positive  partisan  of  one  party  there  was  little  diflference 
between  the  numbers  of  either  faction. 

*  Bulinguge  Island,  in  Murchison  Bay,  is  about  two  miles  in 
circumference,  and  has  a  hill  some  two  or  three  hundred  feet  in 
the  centre.     It  is  about  eight  miles  from  Mengo. 


140  Imperiat.  British  East  Africa  Company  [1^89 

The  missionaries,  Walker  and  Gordon,  as  well  as 
Lourdel  and  another  French  priest,  who  had  responded 
to  the  king's  invitation,  remained  with  Mwanga  on  the 
island. 

At  this  time  a  very  important  event  happened  in 
the  advent  of  messengers  from  Mi\_J[ackson  of  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company,  who  had  found 
Mwanga's  request  for  help  awaiting  him  on  his  arrival 
at  Kavirondo,  November  7th,  1889.  The  object  of 
his  expedition  was  to  make  treaties  with  the  chiefs 
en  ro2ite,  and  to  endeavour  to  procure  news  of  Stanley. 
He  had  orders,  however,  not  to  enter  Uganda. 

He  had  five  hundred  Swahili  porters,  chiefly,  if  not 
wholly,  Muhammedans,  armed  with  Snider  rifles.  The 
men,  however,  were  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  and  he  had 
eventually  to  disarm  a  number  of  them. 

Mr.  Jackson,  accordingly,  wrote  at  once,  explaining 
what  his  orders  were,  but  saying  that  if  help  were 
urgently  needed  he  would  come,  provided  the  mission- 
aries would  guarantee  expenses,  and  that  Mwanga 
would  place  his  country  under  the  Company's  protection. 
Mwanga,  as  we  have  seen,  had  just  suffered  a  reverse 
in  November,  and  accordingly  wrote  on  the  25  th 
begging  of  Mr.  Jackson  to  come  ;  but  the  letter  was 
written  so  guardedly  that  Jackson  suspected  some 
adverse  influence.  On  December  ist,  however, 
Mwanga's  chief  adviser,  Pere  Lourdel,  wrote  to  Mr, 
Jackson  in  the  king's  name,  again  imploring  aid,  and 
offering  to  accept  the  British  flag,  and  to  grant  certain 
commercial  advantages.  He  promised  to  provide  food 
for  Jackson's  men  and  a  large  payment  of  ivory. 


i889]  Dr.   Carl  Peters  141 

In  reply  to  this  Jackson  wrote  in  a  somewhat 
unsatisfactory  manner,  but  sent  one  of  the  Company's 
flags  as  a  guarantee  of  the  Company's  assistance. 
The  flag  reached  Mwanga  on  December  15th.  Jackson 
then  went  away  towards  Mont  Eigon  on  an  ivory 
hunting  expedition,  and  was  absent  some  three 
months. 

He  had  not  been  gone  very  long,  when  Dr.  Carl  Peters, 
who  was  leading  a  German  Emin  relief  expedition, 
marched  into  Jackson's  camp  in  Kavirondo,  and  was 
politely  received  by  the  natives  in  charge,  who,  no 
doubt,  accustomed  only  to  the  honourable  dealings  of 
Europeans  as  represented  by  Englishmen,  handed  him 
the  letters  addressed  to  Jackson.  These  Dr.  Peters 
opened  and  read,  and  promptly  acted  upon,  and  de- 
termined to  go  himself  to  Uganda,  steal  a  march  on 
Jackson,  and  make  a  treaty  for  himself,  thereby  hoping 
to  cut  England  out  of  Uganda — an  audacious  project, 
which  the  intrepid  German  imagined  he  had  succeeded 
in  carrying  out,  though  the  result  of  it  did  not  turn  out 
quite  as  he  had  anticipated.  He  therefore  wrote  to 
Uganda,  and  in  reply  received  letters  from  Mwanga 
inviting  him  to  enter  the  country. 

But  we  must  leave  him,  and  return  to  consider  the 
fortunes  of  Mwanga  on  his  island  encampment.  The 
people  were  growing  weary  of  the  warfare,  and  both 
sides  refrained  for  a  time  from  renewing  the  attack. 
Early  in  January,  however,  it  was  arranged  to  gather 
an  army  from  Chagwe  and  Budu.  Old  Nikodemo,  the 
Pokino  of  Budu,  showed  some  annoyance  at  receiving 
orders  from   Kagwa,  since   Kagwa  was  nothing  in   the 


142  Preparations  for  Fighting  [1890 

Church,  where  he  himself  was  the  principal  man.  Walker 
and  Gordon  felt  that  in  showing  this  spirit  he  was  quite 
wrong,  though  many  of  the  Christians  supported  him  ; 
when,  however,  he  understood  that  the  missionaries 
desired  him  to  conform  to  some  kind  of  discipline  he 
gladly  furnished  his  contingent.  It  was  a  matter  for 
astonishment  how  anything  was  accomplished  at  all,  so 
little  discipline  of  any  kind  was  there  among  the 
Christian  faction.  The  same  want  of  order  doubtless 
obtained  among  the  Muhammedan  party,  and  this  no 
doubt  somewhat  equalised  the  contending  armies. 

The  arrival  of  Stokes'  boat  this  month  (January) 
with  Halfan's  fine,  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  prepa- 
rations for  war,  which  were  pushed  on  apace,  and  the 
Chagwe  contingent  of  some  thousands  was  conveyed 
in  canoes  to  the  other  side  of  the  creek,  en  route  to 
Jungo,  the  old  rallying  place,  where  the  armies  from 
Budu  and  Singo  were  to  rendezvous.  The  thing 
was  done  quietly  and  quickly,  and  the  junction  was 
effected,  while  the  Muhammedans  were  still  encamped 
near  Mengo. 

On  February  3rd,  before  Kagwa  and  his  army  finally 
started  to  attack  Kalema,  a  solemn  undertaking  was 
drawn  up  between  the  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant 
chiefs,  and  a  written  promise  signed  between  them, 
that  if  they  obtained  power  they  would  not  make  war 
upon  one  another.  This  agreement  had  been  brought 
about  at  the  instance  of  the  missionaries,  who  had  over 
and  over  again  used  their  influence  in  the  interests  of 
peace  between  the  factions,  into  which  the  Christians 
were  unhappily  divided. 


1890]  Death  of  Mackay  143 

A  day  or  two  before  the  final  encounter  with  Kalema, 
for  which  the  Christians  were  preparing,  a  blow  fell 
upon  the  English  Mission  and  the  Christian  cause 
more  severe  than  even  the  loss  of  a  battle.  It  was 
the  death  of  Mackay.  His  manifold  labours,  the  heavy 
work  of  fitting  the  machinery  for  his  steamer  in  the 
pestilential  climate  of  Usambiro,  had  proved  too  great 
for  his  strength,  and  just  as  his  companion  Deekes  was 
on  the  point  of  leaving  for  the  coast,  on  account  of  ill 
health,  Mackay  was  struck  down  by  his  last  fever. 
Deekes  put  off  his  journey  and  remained  to  nurse  him, 
but  was  himself  too  ill  to  render  any  very  efficient  aid 
to  his  sick  friend.  After  four  days  of  fever  and 
delirium  Mackay  fell  asleep.  A  man  whom  some  men 
blamed  and  some  men  praised,  but  a  man  who, 
whether  praised  or  blamed,  saw  his  duty  and  did  it 
fearlessly  ;  one  who  deserved  the  title  King  Mutesa 
once  gave  him,  when,  astonished  at  his  young  white 
guest's  resolution,  he  cried,  "Mackay,  oli  Musaja  dala  " 
("  Mackay,  you  are  a  man  "). 

But  to  return  to  the  war  in  Uganda.  When  all  the 
preparations  were  complete  Kagwa  and  his  force 
marched  to  a  point  named  Bulwanyi,  where  the 
Muhammedans  met  him,  and  on  February  iith  a 
great  battle  took  place,  in  which  the  Muhammedans 
were  utterly  broken  and  driven  in  headlong  flight  to 
Kalema's  enclosure  of  Nansana,  near  Mengo.  And 
from  there  the  Muhamniedan  Sultan  fled  with  his 
following  over  the  border  into  Bunyoro,  where  he  set 
about  attempting  to  reorganise  his  army. 

He    had    had     with    him    numbers    of     Kabarega's 


144  Arrival  of  Dr.  Peters  [1890 

people,*  who  were  slaughtered  in  their  flight  owing 
to  their  ignorance  of  the  roads,  and  thus  fell  victims 
to  the  Uganda   spearmen. 

After  the  battle  of  Bulwanyi  the  king  and  the 
missionaries  moved  to  an  island  further  up  the  creek, 
called  Namalusu,  while  most  of  the  people  went  to  the 
mainland. 

There  now  occurred  what  are  the  usual  accompani- 
ments of  war — namely,  both  famine  and  plague,  by 
which  seven  thousand  persons  were  said  to  have 
perished. 

When  it  became  apparent  that  the  Muhammedans, 
for  the  present,  were  completely  crushed,  Mwanga 
ventured  back  to  his  old  capital  of  Mengo,  in  time  to 
receive  Dr.  Carl  Peters,  who  arrived  on  February  24th. 
Peters,  with  the  aid  of  the  French  priests,  concocted  a 
treaty,  which  was  brought  before  the  king  in  the  absence 
of  the  English  missionaries,  who  had  not  been  asked  to 
be  present.  Nothing,  under  the  circumstances,  more 
clearly  showed  their  hostility  to  the  English  Company 
than  the  action  of  Peters  and  the  priests,  and  the  attitude 
taken  up  by  them  towards  the  English  missionaries. 
Surely  it  might  have  been  thought,  in  a  matter  of  this 
sort,  the  English  missionaries  might  at  least  have 
been  consulted.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  Peters  and  his 
co-helpers  endeavoured  to  secure  the  treaty  quite 
independently    of    the    Protestant     chiefs,    who    point 

*  Kabarega's  main  idea  in  helping  Kalema  seems  to  have  been 
to  please  the  Arabs,  who  were  the  chief  means  by  which  he  was 
able  to  buy  guns,  ammunition,  and  other  things  which  he  desired. 
After  Kalema's  last  defeat  he  sent  an  army  to  prevent  his  re- 
entering Unyoro. 


iSgo]  Arrival  of  Jackson  and  Gedge  145 

blank  refused  to  have  anything  to  say  to  it,  on  the 
ground  that  their  missionaries  had  been  excluded  from 
the  Baraza  when  it  was  brought  forward.  Things  had 
now  come  to  such  a  pass  that  both  parties  were 
rushing  to  arms  to  prepare  for  fighting  ;  so  that  for 
the  sake  of  peace  Walker  and  Gordon  begged  of  the 
Protestant  chiefs  to  sign  the  treaty.  This  is  an  admi- 
rable illustration  of  the  usual  manner  in  which  treaties 
are  made  with  African  chiefs' 

The     treaty    was     subsequently    disavowed    by    the 
German  Government,  and  was  therefore  harmless  ;  and 
it  cannot  be  denied   that   Peters'   coming  had  a  good 
effect  on  the  country.      Peters,  however,  had  an  uneasy 
sense  that  Jackson  might  soon  be  on  his  heels  to  make 
trouble,  so  he  did  not  stay  long  in  Uganda.     Meanwhile 
Jackson    had   returned   to    Sundu's  in  Kavirondo,  and 
learnt  that  Peters  had  made  very  free  in  his  camp,  and 
had    then    proceeded    to   Uganda.     Jackson    therefore  | 
lost  no  time  in  hurrying  to  Uganda  with  his  companion  i 
Gedge,  and  he  reached  Mengo  in  April  with  about  one  | 
hundred    and    eighty   Snider    rifles.      The   treaty   that 
Jackson  now  proposed  was,  one  cannot  but  feel  rightly, 
rejected  by  the  king,  for  it  was  certainly  unreasonable  | 
in  its  demands.      The  Protestants,  however,  were  eager ! 
to  obtain  English   protection   at  all  costs  ;  but  not  so 
the  Roman  Catholics  guided  by  Pere  Lourdel. 

The  controversy  was  strong.  Walker  had  mean- 
while left  to  go  to  the  help  of  Deekes  at  Nassa,  and  it 
seemed  that  no  settlement  would  be  arrived  at.  The 
Protestants  said  they  would  leave  the  country,  and 
Gedge  appears  to  have  encouraged   them   in   this  idea. 

10 


146  Failure  of  I.  B.  E.  A.   Co.'s  Treaty       [1890 

I  The  Roman  Catholics  then  said  if  the  Protestants  left 
1  they  must  likewise  retire,  since,  by  themselves,  they 
'  could  not  hold  Uganda  against  the  Muhammedans. 
Wiser  counsel,  however,  prevailed.  Jackson  ceased  to 
press  his  obnoxious  treaty,  and  offered  to  take  back 
with  him  to  the  coast  two  of  the  chiefs,  one  a  Romanist 
the  other  a  Protestant,  to  find  out  what  the  inten- 
tions of  the  ruling  European  powers  might  really  be  ; 
whether,  in  fact,  Uganda  was  to  be  a  British  or  French 
Protectorate.  Jackson  left  in  April,  leaving  Gedge  in 
charge  with  as  many  Snider  rifles  as  he  could  spare, 
and  this  was  the  status  quo  in  Uganda  till  the  end  of 
this  year. 

But  there  was  another  event  full  of  significance, 
which  took  place  on  March  iith,  and  this  was  the 
commencement  of  building  the  first  Christian  church  in 
Uganda. 

I  cannot  forbear  to  quote  the  words  of  one  who 
witnessed  the  setting  up  the  first  palm  trees  which 
formed  the  pillars  to  support  the  roof. 

"  At  last,"  writes  Walker,  "  some  of  the  very  poles  of 
Buganda*  '  praise  the  Lord.'  There  they  stand  point- 
ing up  to  the  sky  because  man  recognises  the  Creator. 
The  branches  of  palm-trees  once  were  strewed  for  the 
honour  of  Jerusalem's  King  ;  now  palm  trees  again  lift 
up  their  slender  stems  to  support  a  house  to  the'  glory 
of  the  same  King." 

*  These    countries   around    the    Nyanza    are    called    by   the 
Baganda  Buganda,  Busoga,  Bunyoro,  etc. 


CHAPTER    V 

A    NEST  OF  HORNETS 


Uganda  Problems — Interpretation  of  Instructions — A  Quiet  Young 
Scotchman —  Captain  Lttgard's  First  Interview  with  Mwanga 
— Lvgard's  Manifesto — A  perilous  Negotiation — An  unhappy 
Christmas — A  sirnple  Explanation — Exaggerated  Rumours — 
Baseless  Suspicions — Policy  of  the  Priests — Policy  of  the  Efiglish 
Mission — Policy  of  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company 
— The  Question  of  the  Sesse  Islands — Changing  Sides — A 
proposea  Compromise — An  intolerable  Strain — The  French 
Bishop — Mission  Extension — An  iniquitious  Fine — Letters  from 
the  Coast — A  Dictufn  discredited 


1890] 


CHAPTER    V 

A   NEST  OF  HORNETS 

ANEW  actor  now  appeared  on  the  scene  in  the 
person  of  Captain  Lugard,  D.S.O.,  who  had  been 
sent  by  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company  to 
occupy  Uganda,  whicli  the  late  Sir  William  Mackinnon 
had  clearly  seen  was  practically  the  key  to  the  Nile 
Valley,  and  a  place  of  the  greatest  strategic  as  well  as 
of  commercial  importance.  The  instructions  delivered 
to  Captain  Lugard  were  to  the  effect  that  he  should  offer 
Mwanga  guarantees  of  peace  in  his  kingdom,  and  impress 
him  v/ith  a  sense  of  the  Company's  power,  that  he  should 
endeavour  to  secure  the  control  of  all  white  affairs  in 
the  country,  and  to  exercise  the  strictest  impartiality 
towards  the  three  factions,  Protestant,  Roman  Catholic, 
and  Muhammedan,  into  which  the  nation  was  divided, 
assuring  all  of  religious  freedom  and  toleration.  But- 
if  the  other  factions,  however,  proved  intractable  he 
was  to  "  consolidate  the  Protestant  party."  ( 

The  framers  of  these  instructions  delivered  to  a 
military  officer  with  an  armed  force  did  not  apparently 
contemplate  such  a  contingency  as  King  Mwanga's 
refusing  their  agent  admission  to  the  country,  yet  some- 


150  Uganda  Problems  [1890 

thing  very  like  this  happened;  and  Lugard,  without  per- 
mission from  the  king,  and  in  spite  of  Mwanga's  measures 
to  prevent  it,  forced  his  way  to  the  capital,  and  established 
an  armed  camp  on  Kampala  Hiil,  within  a  rifle  shot 
of  Mwanga's  enclosure.  Lugard's  orders  were  "  Go  to 
Uganda,"  and  he  went ;  though  it  is  very  questionable 
whether  by  his  so  doing  the  Company  did  not  exceed 
the  powers  which  their  royal  charter  gave  them. 

His  task  in  Uganda  was,  first,  to  offer  guarantees  of 
peace  in  Mwanga's  kingdom,  and  to  impress  him  with 
a  sense  of  the  Company's  power — much  the  same  thing, 
since  both  could  only  be  accomplished  by  the  presence 
of  a  strong  force,  which,  as  we  shall  see,  Captain  Lugard 
did  not  possess. 
(  Next  he  was  to  aim  at  controlling  all  white  affairs 
'  \in  the  country,*  the  meaning  of  which  I  cannot  pretend 
entirely  to  explain,  since  the  only  white  affairs  in  the 
country  were  those  of  English  and  French  missions 
and  missionaries,  and  of  the  ex-missionary  Stokes. 
The     attempt    to    carry    out    this    second    instruction 

*  Those  at  whose  instance  such  instructions  were  given  were 
fully  aware  of  the  growing  definiteness  of  aim  displayed  by 
France  in  its  policy  regarding  an  eastward  movement  towards 
the  Nile.  They  were  aware,  moreover,  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment has  never  shrunk  from  making  use  of  French  missionaries 
in  furthering  its  political  aims  where  the  missionaries  are  willing 
to  lend  themselves  to  its  schemes.  Moreover,  the  French 
Government  had  displayed  an  amount  of  interest  in  Roman 
Catholic  missions  in  Uganda  so  little  in  accordance  with  their 
avowed  indifference  as  to  make  its  solicitude  somewhat  suspicious. 
/  I  refer  to  the  action  of  the  French  Government  respecting  Stanley's 
route,  when  he  undertook  the  task  of  relieving  Emin  Pasha.  It 
was  the  French  who  practically  barred  his  approaching  Wadelai 
I  by  the  route  through  Uganda.     Reading  this  clause  in  the  light 


1890]  Interpretation  of  Instructions  1 5  i 

seems  to  have  been  beset  with  thorns,  since  before 
he  left  Uganda  Captain  Lugard  had  come  into  some- 
what acrimonious  controversy  with  all  the  "  white  affairs 
in  the  place."  Then  he  was  to  exercise  the  strictest 
impartiality  towards  the  factions,  called  respectively 
"  English  "  and  "  French  "  and  "  Islamite."  That  the 
Directors  of  the  Company  could  not,  of  course,  have 
meant  that  he  was  to  treat  his  warm  supporters  and 
his  most  hostile  opponents  exactly  in  the  same  manner 
is  clear  ;  and  in  the  next  sentence  he  was  directed, 
should  the  other  factions  prove  intractable — that  is,  if 
they  failed  to  accept  his  assurances  of  fair  political  and 
religious  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Company — to 
consolidate  the  Protestant  or  English  party,  whose 
eager  desire  to  accept  the  English  flag  was  a  guarantee 
that  they  would  favour  a  British  administration.* 

The   instructions   were,  in   their   very   nature,    alter- 1 
native,  and  amounted   to  this  :  "  If  you   can   get  hold  i 
of  the  country  without  the  help  of  the  English  or  Pro- 
testant faction  do  so  ;   but  if  not,  make  use  of  them." 

of  such  knowledge,  one  can  find  a  sufficient  reason  for  the  in- 
sistance  with  which  the  English  Administration  is  urged  to  secure 
the  control  of  all  white  affairs  in  the  country,  which  might  have 
meant,  in  other  words,  to  make  the  political  influence  of  England 
in  the  country  stronger  than  that  of  France.  If  possible,  this  was 
to  be  accomplished  by  diplomacy  and  by  keeping  aloof  from 
internal  matters,  religious  or  otherwise  ;  but  failing  this,  then  y 
Captain  Lugard  was  explicitly  ordered  to  consolidate  the  Protest-  " 
ant—  i.e.^  the  English  party. 

*  In  their  loyal  acceptance  of  Sir  Gerald  Portal's  decision, 
heaping  honours  and  rewards  on  their  rivals,  who  were  so  hostile 
to  the  English,  the  chiefs  of  the  English  faction  have  signally 
proved  this  assertion. 


\ 


152  A   Quiet   Yotmg  Scotchman  [1890 

Captain  Lugard  entered  Uganda  with  some  two 
hundred  and  seventy  porters,  including  about  one 
hundred  really  good  fighting  men  who  were  well 
armed.  He  had  brought  up  a  Maxim  gun,  on  which 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  placed  much  reliance ;  but 
this  gun  was  valuable,  as  its  unknown  powers  were 
as  likely  to  be  exaggerated  as  not.  News  of  the 
German  machine  guns  further  south  had  already 
reached  Uganda.  He  liad,  moreover,  fifty  trained 
soldiers,  consisting  of  Sudanese  and  Somalis,  and  best 
of  all  he  had  with  him,  besides  young  de  Winton, 
whose  courage  and  devotion  were  afterwards  proved,  a 
quiet  young  Scotchman  named  Grant,  whose  daring 
courage,  quiet  determination,  and  coolness  in  difficulties, 
would  have  made  him  no  bad  leader,  where  he  was 
content  to  play  the  part  of  a  loyal  subordinate. 

On  reaching  the  Nile,  Captain  Lugard  found  his 
road  practically  blocked.  Mwanga  had  ordered  that  no 
boats  should  be  supplied  ;  but  Lugard  overcame  the 
difficulty  by  seizing  one  or  two  canoes,  and  with  these 
he  crossed  his  whole  party,  and  came  on  by  rapid 
marches  to  the  capital,  reaching  Mengo  on  Decem- 
ber 1 8th. 

/  On  December  19th  he  paid  his  first  visit  to  Mwanga, 
with  whom  he  was  anxious  to  conclude  a  treaty,  since 
he  says  he  felt  that  "  any  action  he  took  without  such 
a  treaty  would  have  been  mere  filibustering."* 

*  What  about  crossing  the  Nile  ^' ivithout  waiting  for  ;per- 
mission,''  marching  ra;pidly  on  the  capital,  selecting  his  ozoji 
camping  ground  ?  See  (  "  The  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire," 
vol.  ii.,  p.  21.)  What  were  these  preliminary  proceedings  but 
filibustering  ? 


1890]  Lugard' s  First  Interview  with  Mwanga.  153 

At  this  first  interview  with  the  King  of  Uganda  two 
of  the  English  missionaries,  Messrs.  Walker  and  Gordon, 
were  present.  The  French  priests  had  declined  to 
attend,  on  the  plea  that  they  would  take  no  further 
part  in  politics  ! 

The     English     missionaries     lent    their    services    in 
translating   the   letters    from    the    coast,    which  do   not 
appear  to  have  favourably  impressed  either  the  king  or 
his   Roman    Catholic  chiefs,    who,    somehow  or  other,  ,, 
were  filled  with  the  idea  that  Lugard  had  simply  come  ;i 
to  help  the  Protestants  and  to  oust  themselves.      Cap-  f 
tain  Lugard,  however,  announced  that  all  were  alike  in  j 
his    eyes,    Roman    Catholics,    Protestants,*  and    every  ' 
one,  and  after  saying  that  he  hoped  to  arrange  disputes 
satisfactorily,  he  took  leave  of  the  king  and  courtiers. 

Captain  Lugard   next  called   on   the  French  priests 
in  order  to  try  and   enlist  their  sympathy  and  help  in 
the  treaty  he  hoped  to  conclude  with  Mwanga  and   the  : 
chiefs,  but  met  with  a  disappointing  reception.  ' 

So  far  Uganda  had  proved  no  bed  of  roses.  The  . 
French  party  were  sullenly  hostile.  The  English  party 
at  first  had  received  the  captain  with  joyful  acclama- 
tions, but  had  been  somewhat  coldly  received  by  him, 
lest  he  should  appear  in  the  light  of  a  religious  partisan. 
They  were  now  much  crestfallen,  while  the  captain, 
finding  both  parties  difficult   to  deal   with,  threatened 

*  Roman  Catholics  and  Protestants.  The  word  Abaprotestanti  \ 
(Protestants)  was  introduced  by  the  Company.  Until  its  arrival  ! 
in  Uganda  this  word  was  unknown.  The  parties  were  generally  / 
Bazungu  or  Bangereza  ("  English"),  and  Bafulasa  or  Bafransa  j 
("  French").  {^See  p.  68,  vol.  ii.,  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  '■ 
Empire."} 


154  ^   Perilous  Negotiation  [1890 

^  to  go  to  Kabarega,  the  bitter  enemy  of  the  whole 
nation,  and  form  an  alliance  with  him.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  affairs  when  Captain  Lugard  attempted  to 
force  a  treaty  on  the  king. 
\  The  day  before  Christmas  the  question  of  a  treaty 
Iwas  introduced  before  the  king  in  open  court,  where  a 
dangerous  and  excited  crowd  of  chiefs  had  collected. 
All  came  armed  with  loaded  rifles,  the  Roman  Catholics 
to  support  the  king  against  the  English,  and  the 
Protestants  to  defend  Captain  Lugard.  One  angry 
partisan  actually  covered  Captain  Lugard  with  his 
gun,  but  the  muzzle  of  the  loaded  weapon  was 
instantly  beaten  down  by  one  of  the  Protestant  chiefs 
from  Budu,  the  faithful  Zakaria — then  Kagolo,  and 
now  Kangao,  Chief  of  Bulemezi.  Twice  de  Winton — 
one  of  Lugard's  companions — heard  the  click  of  a 
rifle  being  cocked,  while  the  chiefs,  seeing  that  a  fight 
was  imminent,  quietly  slipped  their  cartridges  into  their 
rifles.  Lugard,  however,  was  too  absorbed  to  heed 
anything.  The  king  was  terrified  and  greatly  excited, 
as  the  strange  Englishman,  heedless  of  his  evident 
disinclination,  insisted  that  he  should  sign  the  treaty. 
But  at  last,  when  the  king  seemed  about  to  give 
way,  such  a  clamour  arose  outside  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  party,  that  Captain  Lugard  felt  it  wiser  not  to 
face  the  rising  storm,  or  to  persist  in  a  course  which 
would  presently  transform  Mengo  into  a  bloody  battle 
ground.  He  therefore  returned  to  Kampala  Fort  to 
spend  an  anxious  night.  He  could  now  realise  some- 
thing of  the  intense  excitement  which  prevailed,  as 
he   listened   to   the   shouting,  drum-beating,  and   angry 


1890]  A   Simple  Explanation  155 

voices  now  and  again  crying  out  that  the  English  should 
be  killed. 

Next  day  was  Christmas.  The  other  Englishmen, 
as  the  custom  of  Englishmen  is,  kept  festival,  but 
the  anxious  leader  excused  himself,  for  the  extreme 
gravity  of  the  situation  oppressed  his  spirit.  He 
determined  to  seek  a  private  interview  with  the  terrified 
king.  But  no  sooner  had  he  neared  the  gates  of 
Mengo  than  the  royal  drums  boomed  out,  and  armed 
men  with  rifles  ready  came  stealing  up,  and  slipped  in 
to  guard  the  king.  Some  treachery  was  suspected  on 
both  sides  it  appears.  Lugard  then  turned  back  amid 
the  half-suppressed  jeers  and  chuckling  of  the  insolent 
rabble. 

Next  day,  however,  a  wonder  happened,  for  the 
treaty  was  signed  by  the  recalcitrant  Roman  Catholics 
and  king,  and  the  storm  was  stilled.  "  We  left  the 
Baraza,"  writes  Lugard,  "  to  find  there  was  perfect 
quiet  outside,  and  not  an  angry  and  excited  mob  as  I 
had  expected."  He  need  not  have  been  astonished, 
for  the  explanation  of  the  great  change  is  simple 
enough.  The  French  fathers  bade  their  faction  sign 
the  treaty,  an  order  which  was  immediately  obeyed. 

Next  day,  December  27  th,  the  English  bishop 
(Tucker)  arrived  at  Mengo  with  several  new  mission- 
aries, among  them  the  brilliant  young  scholar,  Pilking- 
ton.  The  bishop  left  in  less  than  a  month,  apparently 
under  the  impression  that  he  had  been  instrumental 
in  effecting  a  settlement  of  the  difficulties  by  a  hurried 
conference  with  the  French  fathers,  the  result  of 
which,  however,  as   might   have   been   expected,  proved 


156  Exaggerated  Rumours  [1891 

valueless.  The  arrangement  arrived  at  was  found  to 
be  unworkable,  and  was  never  kept  to  by  either 
side. 

/  The  treaty  had  been  signed,  but  there  was  no 
I  intention  upon  the  part  of  the  French  priests  of 
irecognising  the  Company's  flag  as  that  of  the  English 
Ination,  much  less  of  handing  over  the  country  to 
Captain  Lugard.  They  were  the  guides  of  their 
/converts.  Every  conversation  and  every  word  uttered 
to  and  by  Captain  Lugard  were  carefully  reported  to 
the  priests.  Every  move  was  carefully  considered  at 
Rubaga  (their  mission  station)  before  being  taken. 
Lugard's  pleasant  and  friendly  manner,  his  gentlemanly 
feeling  and  sympathy  with  the  natives,  could  not  but 
make  him  deservedly  popular  with  them  ;  but  of  real 
influence  and  weight  of  the  kind  which  he  aimed  at  he 
had  none.  His  opinion  was  only  valued  when  it 
agreed  with  the  opinion  of  the  missionaries.  I  do  not 
doubt  that  by  patience  and  in  time  he  would  have 
gained  very  much  more  power  in  the  country  ;  but  at 
this  period  his  fighting  force  was  not  strong  enough  to 
enable  him  to  stand  alone,  and  the  position  was  fast 
becoming  intolerable  to  a  man  of  his  high  and  ardent 
spirit. 

In  January  of  this  year  (1891)  news  reached 
I  Mengo  of  the  near  approach  of  Captain  (now  Major) 
Williams,  R.A.,  who  had  been  sent  to  assist  Lugard 
in  his  work  in  Uganda,  and  exaggerated  stories  were 
circulated  as  to  his  object  in  coming,  while  it  was  said 
that  he  was  bringing  flags  to  force  on  the  chiefs. 
These  reports  about  Williams,  Mugwanya,  the  chief  of 


iSgij  Baseless  Suspicions  157 

the  Roman  Catholics,  informed  the  Company's  repre- 
sentative his  party  did  not  credit,  and  added  further 
that  they  would  not  believe  unpleasant  reports  from 
any  source  whatever  about  the  Company,  adding  that 
they  knew  the  captain  was  their  friend  !  This,  Lugard 
tells  us,  was  seriously  said,  and,  he  thinks,  obviously 
meant  ;  yet  this  chiefs  subsequent  actions  all  tended 
to  show  that  he  had  no  greater  confidence  in  Captain 
Lugard  than  that  entertained  by  Mugwanya's  trusted 
fathers  in  God,  the  French  priests. 

With  regard  to  the  real  feeling  and  position  of  the/ 
loyal  Protestant  and  English  faction.  Captain  Lugard 
from  the  first  appears  to  have  been  in  the  strangest , 
ignorance  ;  indeed,  so  little  did  he  understand  their 
true  attitude,  that  he  did  not  feel  quite  safe  from  an 
armed  attack  from  them  upon  the  Company's  fort — a 
suspicion  which  would  have  been  utterly  ludicrous  had 
it  not  been  altogether  lamentable.  These  Protestants 
up  to  this  time  had  been  almost  entirely  guided  by  the 
missionaries — that  is  to  say,  as  long  as  the  missionaries 
were  in  their  midst — and  were  on  terms  the  warmest 
and  most  affectionate  with  both  Gordon  and  Walker. 
They  would  take  no  steps  without  consulting  their 
revered  white  teachers.  Over  and  over  again  they  had 
submitted,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Peters'  treaty,  to  what 
they  felt  was  a  wrong  on  the  earnest  representations 
of  the  missionaries.  Thus  Captain  Lugard's  suspicions 
of  these  people  were  as  baseless  as  it  is  possible  to 
conceive.  Had  he  really  known  the  relationship 
existing  between  the  English  missionaries  and  their 
converts,  he  would  no  more  have  thought  of  suspecting 


158  Policy  of  the  Priests  [1891 

an  armed  attack  from  the  native  Christians  than  from 
Messrs.  Gordon  and  Walker  themselves.* 

I  have  spoken  of  this  matter  since  the  general  reader 
may  fail  to  grasp  the  situation  unless  he  has  some 
clear  idea  of  the  point  of  view  of  the  various  actors  in 
this  interesting  passage  of  Central  African  history. 

The  policy  of  the  French  priests  was  partly  based 
on  the  proposition,  that,  as  an  Anglo-German  agree- 
X.  ment  did  not  affect  their  rights  as  Frenchmen  if  they 
could  make  their  own  possession  of  Uganda  an  ac- 
complished fact,  neither  England  nor  Germany  could 
oust  them  from  it  without  having  to  reckon  with  the 
French  nation. 

This  was  surely  no  great  enormity  on  their  part. 
They  had  reason  to  believe  they  would  soon  be  strong 
enough  to  seize  and  hold  Uganda  for  themselves,  and 
"a  fair  Catholic  kingdom  by  the  Nyanza "  was  an 
alluring  dream  which  it  may  be  presumed  they  hoped 
to  realise  by  eventually  fully  arming  their  faction,  and 
meanwhile  keeping  things  balanced  until  they  were 
ready  for  the  final  coup.  Thus  they  supported  Peters, 
and  helped  him  with  his  treaty,  and  they  gave  Lugard 
a  certain  amount  of  support,  since,  as  we  have  seen, 
they  allowed  him  his   treaty  with   Mwanga. 

What,   on    the    other    hand,    was   the   policy   of   the 

*  Captain  Lugard  writes  as  follows  {see  p.  42,  vol.  ii.,  "  Rise 
of  our  East  African  Empire"):  "I  sent  out  Somalis  as  scouts, 
and  presently  they  came  back  breathless  to  say  the  enemy  was 
approaching.  I  did  not  know  whether  they  would  prove  to  be 
the  Protestants  or  the  Roman  Catholics."'  He  has  just  mentioned 
the  anger  of  the  English  party  at  his  not  having  identified  himself 
with  their  faction,  as  they  expected  he  would  do. 


r89i]  Policy  of  the  English  Mission  159 

English  missionaries  ?  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say 
that  under  the  painful  circumstances  in  which  they  had 
been  placed  by  Mv^anga's  rapacity  and  cruelty,  they 
would  have  gladly  hailed  the  advent  of  any  European 
power  that  would  have  guaranteed  them  liberty  to 
preach  and  to  teach.  They  never  believed  that 
Uganda  could  stand  alone,  rent  and  torn  as  it  was 
by  internal  dissensions.  Captain  Lugard  quotes  the 
late  General  Gordon  as  saying  "  the  Uganda  mission,  / 
as  it  is  composed,  is  more  secular  than  spiritual,"  a 
statement  which  possibly  its  context  would  explain, 
in  a  sense  less  hostile  to  the  English  mission  than 
it  certainly  appears  ;  but  if  General  Gordon  did 
make  such  a  statement  one  would  like  to  hear  the 
proof  of  its  truth.  Those  specially  qualified  to  form 
an  opinion  give  a  very  different  account.*  I  am 
necessarily  out  of  court  on  such  a  question.t  Lugard 
goes  on  to  say,  that  on  account  of  its  being  more 
secular  than  spiritual.  General  Gordon  wrote  to 
indicate  the  political  attitude  the  mission  should  take. 
I  never  heard  anything  of  these  letters,  though  I  was 
in  Uganda  when  Gordon  was  last  in  England,  and 
when  he  was  killed  at  Khartoum  ;  but  it  is  perfectly 
true  that  Mackay  and  the  missionary  Gordon,  and 
other  English   missionaries,  did   all   in   their  power  to 

*  See  p.  86.  Testimony  of  the  missionar)^  Gordon  on  first 
reaching  Uganda  as  to  spirituaHty  of  converts  It  is  needless 
to  say  General  Gordon  was  never  in  Uganda. 

t  Captain  Lugard  is  quoted  by  the  Record  newspaper  as 
having  borne  testimony  to  the  spiritual  work  of  the  Uganda 
mission  while  lecturing  at  Oxford  in  1894.  Similar  testimony 
was  borne  by  him  when  speaking  at  Norwich  in  1893. 


i6o  Policy  of  the  I.  B.  E.  A.   Co  [1891 

help  forward  English  interests — not  as  opposed  to 
French  or  German  interests,  for  these  were  never 
presented  to  their  view — but  simply  with  the  hope  of 
securing  a  Government  under  which  religious  liberty 
should   be   guaranteed. 

The  above,  I  think,  fairly  represents  the  state  of 
opinion  and  the  aims  of  the  respective  missions  at  the 
time  of  Captain  Lugard's  arrival.  He  had  decided — 
as  I  have  mentioned — to  endeavour  to  assume  a 
perfectly  neutral  position,  which,  if  the  two  factions 
had  been  merely  religious,  would  have  been  excellent  ; 
but  when  the  question  between  them  was  the  very 
existence  of  English  interests  in  the  country,  a  policy 
of  political  neutrality  upon  his  part  was  in  the  very 
nature  of  things  impossible. 

The  attempt  to  follow  out  such  a  policy  very  soon 
led  him  into  a  grave  error  of  judgment,  which  served 
to  deprive  both  factions  of  any  confidence  in  his  justice, 
and  to  throw  a  serious  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his 
obtaining  influence  over  the  leaders.  In  the  difficult 
and  intricate  cases  of  disputed  estates  he  permitted 
both  parties  to  appeal  to  him,  and  undertook  to 
adjudicate  on  the  matters  in  question.  That  he  com- 
mitted the  error  of  following  the  path  of  expediency 
rather  than  that  of  pure  justice  his  own  words  un- 
mistakably show.  Here  is  his  own  account  of  his 
method.  He  writes  :  "  Meanwhile,  as  far  as  I  could 
judge  from  the  inquiries  I  made,  the  Protestants  appear 
to  have  had  by  far  the  greatest  cause  of  complaint, 
and  this  seemed  natural,  as  they  were  the  weaker  party. 
If,  however,   I  should    give   case   after   case    in   favour 


iSgi]  Question  of  the  Sesse  Islands  i6i 

of  the  Protestants  purely  because  in  each  instance  the 
evidence  should  point  in  their  favour,  I  should  un- 
doubtedly alienate  the  Roman  Catholics,  who  naturally 
viewed  things  from  their  own  standpoint,  and  they 
would  consider  me  partial  however  unbiassed  I  might 
really  be.  I  therefore  endeavoured  to  find  two  cases, 
one  of  which  appeared  to  be  clearly  in  favour  of  the 
Protestants,  the  other  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  and 
thus,  while  deciding  justly,  to  make  the  balance  equal." 
He  goes  on  to  say :  "  This  pairing  off  of  cases  has  given 
umbrage  to  recent  writers  on  the  Roman  Catholic  side 
of  the  controversy."*  How  could  it  do  otherwise  than 
give  umbrage  to  every  right-minded  person,  on  whatever 
side  he  might  happen  to  be  ?  A  man  who  dispenses 
judgment  in  the  way  described  above  may  command 
our  amazement  at  his  dexterity,  but  he  will  hardly  win 
our  respect  for  his  sense  of  justice. 

Another  difficulty  at  this  period  was  the  question  of 
dividing  the  Sesse  Islands  between  the  English  and 
French  factions.  The  owners  of  these  islands  practically 
held  all  the  water  communication  on  the  Lake.  It 
had  been  agreed  that  each  faction  should  have  a  share  ; 
but  so  far  the  "French"  had  possessed  themselves  of 
the  whole.  Finally,  however,  the  king  agreed  that 
the  islands  should  be  divided.  Next  came  the  great 
question  of  changing  sides.  It  was  the  object  of  both 
factions  to  secure  the  person  of  the  king,  since  which- 
ever side  held  him  gained  the  great  mass  of  peasants, 
and  of  those  who  were  indifferent  to  both  the  new 
religions,    and   who   blindly   followed    the   king.      The 

*  "The  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  p.  jo,  vol.  ii. 

I  I 


\) 


162  Changing  Sides  [1891 

king,  at  the  time  we  are  speaking  of,  had  nominally 
joined  the  "French"  faction.  There  were  not  a  few 
lukewarm  "  English  chiefs "  who  would  have  gone 
over  to  his  side,  providing  their  changing  their  politics 
should  not  lose  them  their  chieftainships.  Now  at  the 
division  of  the  country  on  Mwanga's  return  it  had 
been  expressly  stipulated  that  a  chief  on  either  side 
abjuring  his  party  or  religion  should  lose  his  chieftain- 
ship. This  was,  from  a  religious  point  of  view,  not 
satisfactory,  yet  under  the  circumstances  it  was  in- 
evitable, and  was,  at  any  rate,  fair,  since  it  cut  both 
ways  as  long  as  the  king  was  neutral ;  but  as  soon 
as  Mwanga  came  out  clearly  on  the  French  side  then 
it  only  cut  one  way,  as  the  political  temptation  now 
was  for  chiefs  to  join  the  French  side — that  is,  to 
forsake  Protestantism  and  the  English  party.  The 
English  chiefs  said  to  these  turncoats,  "  By  all  means 
join  the  *  French ' ;  but  let  them  provide  you  with 
/'preferment."  Captain  Lugard  tried  to  compromise  the 
difficulty  by  proposing  that  the  twelve*  great  chieftain- 
ships of  Uganda  should  continue  to  be  held  equally  by 
either  faction  ;  and  if  any  of  the  chiefs  holding  these 
twelve  should  change  his  creed  he  must  vacate  his 
position.     On  March  5th  of  this  year  Captain  Lugard 

*  Twelve  great  chieftainships.  These  are  :  (i)  Katikiro  (prime 
minister)  ;  (2)  Kimbugwe  (keeper  of  umbelical  cord,  with  title  of 
king);  (3)  Mukwenda  of  Singo ;  (4)  Sekibobo  of  Kyagwe ; 
(5)  Pokino  of  Badu ;  (6)  Kangao  of  Bulemezi ;  (7)  Mugema  (of 
the  Enclosures  or  Busiro  of  the  kings,  is  part  of  Kyagwe)  ; 
(8)  Kago  of  Kyadondo  (also  in  Kyagwe)  ;  (9)  Kayima ;  (10) 
Kitunzi ;  (11)  Katambala ;  and  (12)  Kasuju.  These  last  four 
are  chiefs  of  portions  of  the  great  province  of  Singo. 


1891]  An  Intolerable  Strain  163 

took  his  statute  book,  in  which  the  proposed  compromise 
was  written,  to  have  the  statute  duly  passed  in  the  ' 
king's  Baraza  (Durbar*)  and  agreed  to  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  two  factions.  The  Protestants  had 
only  one  amendment  to  make — namely,  for  "  twelve 
chieftainships,"  to  substitute  the  words  "  six  hundred." 
The  other  side,  not  unnaturally  under  the  circumstances, 
were  in  favour  of  complete  freedom  of  creed  !  The 
English  party  now  accused  Captain  Lugard  of  seeking 
to  break  his  own  treaty,  since  at  the  request  of  the 
French  party  he  had  agreed  to  the  clause  against 
changing  sides,  which  they  now  wished  to  abrogate. 
The  question  was  argued  hotly,  but  the  English  chiefs 
stood  firm,  and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  the  status  quo 
should  continue  until  the  treaty  itself  expired  two  years 
later.  Things  were  thus  much  where  they  were. 
Nightly  war-drums  were  beaten,  and  daily  excited 
crowds  of  either  faction  would  collect  armed  for  battle. 
The  strain  for  all  concerned  was  becoming  intolerable. 

Captain  Lugard  appears  to  have  adopted  a  policy  1 
somewhat  counter  to  that  indicated  by  the  Admini- 
strator of  the  Company,  who  told  him  that  it  was  useless 
attempting  to  gain  an  influence  with  Mwanga.  The 
predictions  of  the  Administrator  were  remarkably 
fulfilled,  since  Mwanga  could  only  be  influenced  by 
what  appealed  to  his  fears  or  what  pointed  to  his  own 
advantage.  One  thing  his  proud  nature  could  not 
brook,  and  that  was  the  want  of  respect  for  his  kingly 
dignity  with  which  he  imagined  the  Company's  officers 

*  Durbar,  the  Uganda  word  for  which  is  Lukiko.     Baraza  is 
Swahili. 


164  The  French  Bishop  [1891 

\  treated  him.      I  have  never  been   a  very   enthusiastic 
.\  admirer  of  Mwanga's_  character,  still  a  king  is  not  like 
J  common   men,  for  in  him  is  summed  up  whatever  of 
\  majesty  there  is  in  the  people  whose  titular  head  he 
'  is  ;  and  I  can  well  understand  how  frequently  the  well- 
meaning  Englishmen  would  cruelly  tread  on  the  corns 
of  his  kingly  dignity  while  in   the  process  of  "  gaining 
influence  "  over  him.      Monseigneur   Hirth,  the  French 
bishop,  much  better  understood  his  man,  and  treated 
the  king  with  the  deepest  respect. 

The  French  bishop  and  Lugard  now  began  to  come 
into  somewhat  pointed  antagonism.  The  bishop  accused 
the  captain  of  making  confusion  worse  confounded,  and 
finally  wrote  a  letter  calling  on  Captain  Lugard  to  do 
justice  to  the  French  faction  if  war  were  to  be  staved  off. 
On  this  Lugard  visited  the  king,  and  told  him  he  thought 
it  wrong  for  the  people  to  consult  their  missionaries 
j  before  going  to  the  king  or  himself ;  that  the 
missionaries  were  purely  concerned  with  religion,  and 
not  with  the  affairs  of  the  country. 

His    laying   these   views    about   European    residents 

before  the  king  was  a  little  hard  upon  the  missionaries, 

since  no  one  has  demonstrated  more  undeniably  than 

j    Captain  Lugard   himself  how  inextricably  politics  and 

I   religion  had  become  entangled   in   Uganda.      In  these 

/   complications   Lugard  was  too  weak  to  be  cloud  com- 

peller  ;  but,  like  the  rest,  was  swept  alOng  by  the  storm 

\    which  none  could  completely  control. 

Another  cause  of  friction  between  Lugard  and  the 
missions  was  the  claim  of  the  missionaries,  both  French 
and    English,   to    occupy  positions   within   the   sphere 


1 89 1]  Mission  Extension  165 

of  English  influence  without  reference  to  the  British 
administrator.  Messrs.  Gordon  and  Smith,  English 
missionaries,  had  gone  to  Usoga  to  open  a  mission 
there.  The  French  missionaries,  desiring  also  to  go 
to  Usoga,  politely  appealed  to  Captain  Lugard,  who 
expressed  disapproval  of  their  going.  They  went, 
however,  apparently  in  spite  of  his  disapproval. 

In  "  Two  Kings  of  Uganda "  I  have  expressed  my 
views  on  the  subject,  which  are  quite  in  accordance 
with  Captain  Lugard's — that  an  administration  must 
take  cognisance  of  insults  and  injuries  to  Europeans, 
and  that  therefore  it  has  the  right  to  forbid  their  going 
to  unsafe  districts  of  the  country  administered.  Strange 
to  say,  when  the  question  arose  the  next  year,  while 
I  was  acting  as  secretary  for  the  English  Mission,  I 
found  myself  obliged  to  ask  Captain  Lugard  for  an 
order  in  writing  forbidding  Mr.  Roscoe  and  Mr.  Smith 
to  go  to  Usoga,  whither  it  had  been  decided  to  send 
them.  Though  it  appears  the  directors  had  given  an 
explicit  prohibition  against  mission  extension  without 
their  Resident's  sanction,  Captain  Lugard  would  not 
give  any  such  prohibition,  nor  would  he  even  ask,  as 
a  matter  of  courtesy,  that  they  should  defer  going  ;  so 
they  went. 

The  reason  that  we  wished  Mr.  Roscoe  to  arrive 
at  Luba's  before  any  of  the  Company's  agents  was 
this.  The  Company  had,  with  a  cynical  disregard  of 
justice,  determined  to  fine  Luba  for  Bishop  Hanning- 
ton's  murder — an  outrage  committed,  be  it  observed,  by 
Mwanga — hence  we  feared  that  Luba  might  think  the 
question   of  his  paying  or  not  paying  this  fine  would 


1 66  Letters  from  the  Coast  [1891 

facilitate  or  the  reverse  his  securing  a  white  man  to 
settle  at  his  village.* 

Things  were  in  this  extremely  unpleasant  state  when 
in  March  a  caravan  arrived  from  the  coast,  under 
Martin,  bringing  cloth  and  stores,  but  no  ammunition. 
The  cloth  was  very  necessary  for  clothing  and  for 
purchase  of  food.  Captain  Lugard  had  obtained  a  few 
loads  of  cloth  from  his  friend,  Dr.  Stuhlmann,  and  the 
English  missionaries  in  his  extremity,  which  tided  him 
over  his  difficulties  till  the  caravan  came  in.t  With 
this  caravan  arrived  Dr.  Macpherson  and  Mr.  Bagge, 
whose  sterling  qualities  soon  won  for  them  golden 
opinions. 

Mr,  Martin  brought  back  with  him  also  the  two 
chiefs  who  had  been  sent  to  the  coast  to  ascertain 
whether  or  not  Uganda  was  in  the  English  sphere. 
Letters  also  came  from  the  Administrator  and  from  the 
Consul-General,  including  one  to  the  Katikiro  (Prime 
Minister),  advising  them  to  go  to  the  English  bishop 

*  See  pp.  520,  521,  vol.  ii.,  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire." 
t  Captain  Lugard  writes  (p.  47,  vol.  ii.,  "Rise  of  our  East 
African  Empire  ") :  "  The  missions  refused  me  the  loan  of  their 
boat  (to  get  the  absolutely  necessary  cloth  for  food  purchase  from 
the  south  of  the  Lake),  but  I  eventually  bought  a  few  loads  from 
them  and  from  Dr.  Stuhlmann,  at  double  their  proper  price,  in 
my  extremity."  This  remark  displays  Captain  Lugard' s  strong 
prejudice  against  the  mission.  I  have  already  mentioned  that 
the  English  missionaries  were  kept  waiting  eighteen  months  for 
their  necessary  stores.  .So  difficult  was  it  to  obtain  boats  that 
I  myself,  subsequently,  was  obliged  to  march  round  the  Lake  to 
Uganda.  The  cloth,  however,  was  not  sold  at  double  the  proper 
price  to  Captain  Lugard  in  his  extremity,  but  at  the  ordinary 
market  value  at  that  time,  S20  per  piece.  It  afterwards  fell  to 
$10 ;  but  I  have  known  it  as  high  as  $40  in  Uganda. 


[1891  A  Dictum  Discredited  167 

for  advice  in  their  disputes — that  is  to  say,  telling  them 
to  do  what  they  were  already  doing,  but  what  Lugard 
had  told  both  king  and  chiefs  was  a  very  wrong  course 
to  pursue.  This  letter  was  rather  unpleasant  for 
Captain  Lugard,  since  it  was  directly  opposed  to  his 
constant  dictum — viz.,  that  the  missionaries  of  both 
creeds  were  in  the  country  to  teach  religion  only,  and 
not  to  intervene  in  political  matters.  The  letter  con- 
tained, moreover,  what  Lugard  considered  an  unfor- 
tunate allusion  to  the  flag. 

The  tension  between  the  two  Christian  factions  was 
at  this  time  lessened  by  the  arrival  on  the  scene  of 
their  common  enemy,  the  Muhammedans.  But  I  must 
reserve  an  account  of  this  for  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER    VI 

BRINGING   OF  THE  SUDANESE 


A  wise  Stroke  of  Policy — A  daring  Scheme — "  Knocked  into  a 
cocked  Hat" — King  Kabarega — Negotiations  with  Muhatn- 
medans — A  quaint  Flag — Ugattda  Diplomacy — Difficulties  in 
Treating — A  clever  Manoeuvre — The  Victory  of  Kanagala — 
The  Washenzi  {Savages) — Clouds  on  the  Northern  Horizon — 
An  erroneous  Principle — The  Start  for  Kavalli's — Beautiful 
Children — Kasagama  reinstated — A  hard  Treaty — Seli7ti  Bey 
— Fadl  Maula — Lugard  at  Kavalli's — A  horrible  Rabble — 
Devilish  Deeds — Startling  Communications. 


CHAPTER    VI 

BRINGING   OF  THE  SUDANESE 

''  I  ^HE  powerful  Muhammedan  faction,  which  had 
-^  been  driven  out  of  Uganda  by  the  united  Chris- 
tians, was  becoming  again  exceedingly  troublesome. 
They  had  laid  waste  the  greater  part  of  the  province  of 
Singo,  the  government  of  the  Mukwenda,  but  for  a  short 
interval  of  time  they  had  been  unusually  quiescent, 
owing  to  the  death,  by  small-pox,  of  their  cruel  though 
valiant  king,  Kalema,  and  the  important  business  of 
settling  who  should  be  his  successor. 

The  choice  eventually  fell  upon  Kalema's  and 
Mwanga's  uncle,  Embogo  (Buffalo),  the  only  surviving 
brother  of  the  former  King  Mutesa.  Embogo  had  been 
for  many  years  a  Muhammedan  reader,  but  so  quietly, 
that  he  had  not  drawn  upon  himself  the  wrath  of  his 
royal  brother. 

The  Muhammedans,  being  now  united  under  Embogo, 
made  a  raid  into  Uganda,  and  carried  off  fifty  women. 
News  of  this  calamity  was  carried  to  the  capital, 
whereupon  Mwanga  beat  his  great  war  drums,  appa- 
rently without  any  reference  to  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company's  representative.     This  is  a  further 


172  A    Wise  Stroke  of  Policy  [1891 

proof  that  the  Company  were  by  no  means  looked 
upon  as  the  paramount  power  in  the  country.  It 
could  only  have  become  so,  in  its  then  weak  condition, 
by  coalescing  with  one  of  the  three  opposing  factions. 

Captain  Lugard  remonstrated  with  the  king  for 
beating  his  drum  in  this  fashion,  and  requested  that 
the  drums  should  be  beaten  again  in  a  formal  manner 
in  his  own  presence.  The  king  acceded  to  this,  and 
urged  that  no  slight  was  intended  towards  the  Company, 
and  that  the  war  drum  was  only  beaten  as  a  warning 
of  the  Muhammedans'  threatened  attack. 

After  consultation  with  the  chiefs.  Captain  Lugard 
determined  to  march  against  the  Muhammedans,  in 
hope  that  having  a  common  object  before  them,  and  a 
common  foe  to  fight  against,  the  opposing  "  English  " 
and  "  French  "  factions  might  possibly  be  brought  more 
into  unison.  It  certainly  was  a  very  wise  stroke  of 
policy  on  Lugard's  part,  since  it  removed  the  rival 
factions  for  a  time  from  the  influence  of  their  respective 
missionaries,  and  gave  the  Company's  administrator  a 
fair  opportunity  of  gaining  an  independent  influence  of 
his  own,  and  of  proving  his  bona  fide  desire  to  act  in 
the  interests  of  the  country.  Captain  Lugard  had, 
moreover,  much  in  his  favour.  A  manner  altogether 
pleasing  and  unaffected  with  the  natives,  undoubted 
ability,  combined  with  the  highest  ideal  of  duty,  and  a 
large  share  of  that  personal  daring  and  courage  which 
characterises  most  British  officers,  and  which  gains  the 
confidence,  as  well  as  the  admiration,  of  all  classes  of 
natives.  But  to  accomplish  the  desirable  object  of 
gaining  that  necessary   influence  and   authority  which 


1891]  A  Daring  Scheme  173 

should  result  in   the  healing  of  the  party   strife,  time 
and    patience    were    essential.      But    Captain    Lugard, 
seeing   a  way  by   which    he  might   make  himself  in- 
dependent   of   either   Christian    party,   abandoned    the 
rival  chiefs  to  their  bitter  dissensions,  and  left  Uganda 
in  charge  of  his  second  in   command,   having  formed 
the  daring  scheme   of  getting   hold    of  Emin   Pasha's 
Sudanese  troops,  a  number  of  whom  were  concentrated 
under  Selim  Bey  at  Kavalli's.      But   this  plan  was  not 
yet  ripe  for  putting  into  execution.      The  first  thing  to 
be  done  was  to  march  against  the   Muhammedans,  who 
had  just  made  their  presence  felt  by  the  robbery  of  the 
women,  to  which  I  have  already  alluded.      The  question 
of  who  was  to  command  the  Uganda   army  then  arose, 
and  a  furious  discussion   immediately   took  place.      It 
had  been   arranged    that  the   Generals   of   the    troops 
should  be  chosen   alternately  fromthe    "  French  "  and 
"  English  "   factions  ;  and   in   the  present  instance  the 
"  English  "  claimed  it  to  be  their  turn.      The  "  French," 
in  reply,  asserted  that   the  last  war  was  not  a  proper 
war,   and  that   the    choice    of    leader    lay   with    them. 
Under  these  difficult  circumstances  Captain  Lugard  hit 
upon  the  expedient  of  calling  upon   the  king  to  lead 
his    army    in    person,   "  Since,"  said  the  captain,  "  the 
present  was  too  big  a  thing  to  relegate  to  any  but  the 
king  of  the  country."      "  His  majesty,"  to  quote   Cap- 
tain Lugard,  "  was  knocked  into  a  cocked  hat  by  this," 
having  no  stomach  whatever  for  fighting.      He  therefore 
made  all  kinds  of  excuses.      Then  said  Lugard,  "If  you 
refuse    to  go  yourself  you  had  better   send   the   next 
biggest  chief  in  the  country."      The  king  agreed  to  this 


174  King  Kabarega  [1891 

with  alacrity,  and  appointed  Kagwa  Apolo  (the  Prime 
Minister,  or  Katikiro),  who  was  the  head  of  the 
"  English  "  party. 

The  expedition  started  at  the  beginning  of  April, 
and  marched  towards  the  frontier  of  Unyoro,  whose 
king,  Kabarega,  was  the  ordinary  type  of  African 
potentate,  neither  better  nor  worse  than  his  fellows  ; 
yet  on  the  whole  an  intelligent  man,  whom  it  might 
have  been  possible  to  bring  to  some  sort  of  terms,  had 
there  been  any  kind  of  strong  central  government  in 
Uganda.  As  it  was,  Kabarega  adopted  the  policy  of 
Mwanga,  and  endeavoured  to  steer  his  way  through  the 
stormy  sea,  clinging  to  whatever  power  seemed  for  the 
time  being  to  offer  any  kind  of  stable  support  ;  hence, 
at  the  beginning,  he  had  allied  himself  more  or  less 
with  the  Muhammedans.  Not  that  he  in  the  least 
cared  for  Muhammedans  as  such  ;  but  he  found  them 
useful  as  a  kind  of  breakwater  against  the  periodical 
tides  of  Uganda  invasion. 

Lugard  was  anxious,  if  possible,  to  come  into  com- 
munication with  the  Muhammedan  party,  but  this  was 
exceedingly  difficult  during  a  time  of  open  war. 

It  was  the  custom  of  Kagwa  to  send  out  an  ad- 
vanced guard,  or  scouts,  before  the  main  body  ;  and 
one  day  these  men  secured  four  women  belonging  to 
the  enemy,  whom  they  brought  in  to  the  general. 
Kagwa  at  once  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Muhammedans, 
which  he  sent  by  one  of  the  captive  women.  The 
letter  was  to  the  effect  that  if  the  people  of  Islam 
did  not  wish  to  continue  hostilities  they  might  return 
to  Mengo.     The  woman  duly  carried   the  letter,  and 


1 891]         Negotiations  with  Muhammedans        175 

the  result  of  it  was  that  some  of  the  Muhammedans 
came  into  Kagvva's  camp,  and  Kagwa  sent  them  on 
to  Captain  Lugard.  Lugard  now  proposed  that  the 
Muhammedans  should  return  to  Uganda  ;  but  asked 
that  they  should  give  up  their  sultan,  Embogo,  whom 
he  pledged  himself  to  care  for  and  treat  with  honour. 

He  also  demanded  that  they  should  yield  up  their 
arms.  On  May  ist,  as  a  result  of  a  further  interchange 
of  messages,  seven  important  chiefs  of  the  Muham- 
medan  faction  came  into  the  Company's  camp  to 
discuss  the  grave  question  of  peace  or  war. 

Meanwhile,  a  very  important  question  had  arisen 
between  the  Christian  allies  who  were  taking  part 
in  the  expedition  regarding  the  banner  which  should 
be  displayed  as  the  common  flag  beneath  which  they 
were  marching  to  the  war, 

Kagwa  Apolo,  the  general,  reiterated  the  request 
that  the  Company's  representative  should  give  him  the 
Company's  flag.  It  appears  that  before  Captain 
Lugard's  arrival  Kagwa  had  manufactured  one  of  his 
own  from  a  picture  printed  in  colours  on  a  treaty  form 
which  Jackson  had  left  with  him.  This  flag  was  so 
quaint  that  Captain  Lugard  had  begged  Kagwa  for  it, 
and  had  promised  him  a  proper  flag  in  exchange. 
This  promise  the  Uganda  general  now  called  on 
Lugard  to  redeem. 

Kagwa's  idea  may  possibly  have  been  to  bring  on  a 
crisis  which  should  display  the  loyalty  of  his  own 
following  to  the  English,  and  the  open  dislike  of  the 
French  party  to  British  influence — an  idea,  under  the 
circumstances,  not  without  wisdom,  since  it  had  the  effect 


176  Uganda  Diplomacy  [1891 

of  raising  the  question  of  the  acceptance  or  otherwise  of 
the  Company's  flag.  Captain  Lugard  accordingly  as- 
sembled the  chiefs  of  both  factions,  and  proposed  that 
from  henceforth  the  designations  of  "  French "  and 
"  English "  should  be  abolished,  and  that  both  should 
accept  the  British  flag  as  represented  by  the  Company's 
emblem — a  banner  displaying  a  rising  sun,  with  the 
Union  Jack  in  the  corner.  Some  of  the  "  French  "  chiefs 
professed  their  willingness  to  accept  the  flag,  but  it  is  not 
unlikely  they  were  merely  exercising  their  diplomatic  gift 
in  forcing  Lugard's  hand,  since,  in  spite  of  their  ex- 
pressed willingness  to  accept  the  flag,  when  it  came  to 
the  point  they  refused  to  do  so  ;  but  they  said  they  had 
no  objection  to  the  Katikiro's  having  one.  The  old 
Pokino  Nikodemo,  a  brave  old  Protestant  and  out  and 
out  believer  in  the  English,  also  succeeded  in  obtaining 
a  flag,  in  his  capacity  of  chief  of  Budu. 

Both  sides  had  thus  obtained  a  diplomatic  advantage. 
The  Protestants  now  carried  the  Company's  flag,  were 
Company's  men  ;  while  the  Roman  Catholics  could 
pose  as  patriots  who  had  refused  a  foreign  flag,  and 
could  urge  with  some  apparent,  though  not  real,  reason 
the  complaint  that  the  Company's  banner  was  merely 
the  symbol  of  the  Protestant  party,  which  Captain 
Lugard  had  always  taken  pains  to  deny. 

To  return  now  to  the  negotiations  with  the  Muham- 
medans.  At  first  they  consented  to  give  up  Embogo, 
but  on  second  thoughts  they  refused  to  do  so,  asserting 
the  while  their  unwillingness  to  fight  with  the  English. 
They  said  they  wanted  to  go  to  Zanzibar,  and  Lugard 
wrote  a  letter  for  them,  asking  the  Germans  at  Bukoba 


1891]  A  Clever  Manoeuvre  177 

to  give  them  a  road  through  German  territory.  The 
envoys  then  left.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  tell 
how  far  the  negotiation  on  the  part  of  the  Muham- 
medans  was,  or  was  not,  sheer  deception.  Lugard,  at 
any  rate,  treated  it  as  bond  fide.  The  "  French  "  chiefs 
scouted  the  idea  of  peace,  and  no  doubt  the  Muham- 
medans  saw  that  however  friendly  disposed  the  English 
leader  appeared,  his  Christian  allies  were  openly  hostile. 
Kagwa,  the  general,  evidently  believed  any  settlement 
was  impossible,  and  at  all  hazards  determined  to  get 
as  near  the  enemy  as  possible,  and  next  day  made  a 
forced  march,  which  brought  the  expedition  close  upon 
the  hostile  encampment. 

The  Christian  army  was  now  on  the  frontier  of 
Unyoro,  and  by  the  banks  of  the  Kanagala,  a  river, 
like  many  of  the  Uganda  streams,  running  through 
deep  papyrus  swamps.  Captain  Lugard  calls  this 
river  the  Kanyangoro.  While  here,  a  messenger 
arrived  from  the  Muhammedans  to  say  they  would 
neither  give  up  Embogo,  nor  yet  retire,  as  they  had  said 
they  would  do — in  fact,  bringing  a  declaration  of  war. 
It  became,  therefore,  necessary  to  cross  the  river  in 
order  to  attack  them.  They  were  said  to  possess 
between  three  and  four  thousand  guns,  while  Kagwa's 
force,  joined  with  that  of  Lugard's,  reckoned  over  five 
thousand. 

The  question  then  arose  how  to  cross  the  river. 
This  was  managed  by  a  clever  manoeuvre  of  Captain 
Lugard,  who,  wherever  hard  marching,  hard  fighting,  or 
hard  work  were  to  be  done,  was  never  found  wanting. 
By  his  orders  the  drums  for  pitching  camp  were  beaten  ; 

12 


178  Victory  of  Kanagala  [1891 

but  a  whispered  order  was  given  that  when  night  fell 
the  great  body  of  rifles,  spearmen,  and  others  should 
cross  the  river.  This  was  silently  accomplished  ;  and  as 
dawn  broke  Lugard  himself,  with  his  Maxim  gun  and 
soldiers,  made  the  passage. 

Thus  the  swamp,  which  might  have  proved  an  almost 
insurmountable  obstacle  to  the  advancing  army,  and 
which  might  have  been  easily  defended  against  over- 
whelming numbers,  was  safely  crossed  without  the 
firing  of  a  single  shot  or  the  loss  of  a  single  man. 

During  the  night  following  the  Muhammedans,  who 
seem  to  have  been  supported  by  some  of  Kabarega's 
people,  gathered  in  great  numbers,  and  next  day  the 
two  hostile  armies  faced  one  another.  The  Muham- 
medan  force  was  posted  on  the  opposite  hills.  The 
signal  was  given,  and  Kagwa's  followers  rushed  to  the 
attack.  The  Uganda  method  of  fighting  is  for  the 
attacking  party  to  run  up  to  within  a  few  yards  of  the 
enemy  and  discharge  their  guns.  If  any  chief  men 
fall  on  either  side,  then  the  side  which  has  lost  its 
leaders  takes  to  flight,  and  the  battle  is  won.  Kagwa 
and  his  men  were  in  advance  of  the  Europeans,  and 
when  the  latter  came  up  they  found,  to  their  surprise, 
that  the  battle  had  already  been  won,  and  that  the 
Muhammedans  were  in  full  flight.  The  Christians  lost 
fifteen  killed,  while  the  Muhammedan  loss  was  estimated 
at  three  hundred  killed.  Seventy  wounded  men  in  all 
were  brought  in,  some  of  whom,  doubtless,  had  been 
fighting  on  the  Muhammedan  side. 

This  battle  of  Kanagala  was  fought  and  won  on 
May    lith.      Captain   Lugard    now    wished    to    march 


1891]  The  Savages  179 

towards  Kabarega's  Kraal,  but  the  Ba-ganda  represented 
the  swamps  to  be  impassable,  and  showed  little 
enthusiasm  to  advance.  To  make  things  worse  small- 
pox broke  out,  and  it  was  therefore  decided  that 
as  enough  had  been  done  for  honour,  the  victorious 
army  should  return  to  Mengo.  Captain  Lugard  sent 
Captain  Williams  back  to  the  capital  with  the  Katikiro, 
while  he  himself,  Mr,  Grant,  and  Dr.  Macpherson, 
marched  with  the  greater  portion  of  his  fighting  men 
in  a  southerly  direction  to  Budu,  where  he  intended  to 
prepare  for  the  important  undertaking  of  enlisting  the 
remnant  of  Emin  Pasha's  Sudanese  soldiers,  who  had 
made  their  way  down  from  Wadelai,  and  had  esta- 
blished themselves  under  Selim  Bey,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Kavalli's,  on  the  Albert  Nyanza.  Budu,  which 
Lugard  had  now  made  his  headquarters,  was  the 
province  of  the  old  Protestant  leader,  Nikodemo  Sebwato, 
who  held  the  office  of  Pokino.  He  supplied  the  Com- 
pany's soldiers  with  ample  food  without  charge. 
Lugard's  Muhammedan  Swahilis  and  Sudanese  looked 
upon  the  native  Ba-ganda  as  Washenzi  (pagan  savages), 
and  robbed  them  right  and  left.  This  Lugard  put 
down  with  a  strong  hand.  Speaking  of  the  contempt 
displayed  by  the  Zanzibari  Muhammedans  for  natives, 
Captain  Lugard  once  told  me  how  one  of  his  ignorant 
Swahili  porters,  a  man  who  could  neither  read  nor 
write,  and  who  was  probably  a  slave,  spoke  of  the 
Uganda  chiefs  as  "  the  Washenzi  "  (savages).  These 
Washenzi  reckoned  among  them  some  of  the  young  men 
who  had  been  carefully  trained  by  the  French  fathers, 
and   such   men   as  Zakaria,  of  the  English  mission,  of 


i8o         Clouds  on  the  Northern  Horizon        [1891 

whom  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal  wrote  :  "  His  appear- 
ance was  pleasing,  his  clothes  the  very  ideal  of  white- 
ness ;  while  his  manners  were  a  type  of  politeness  itself, 
and  would  have  fitted  him  for  a  post  in  any  European 
court."*  But  it  is  difficult  to  convey  any  adequate 
idea  of  the  arrogant  and  overweening  manner  assumed 
by  the  Muhammedans  to  those  who  were  not  of  Islam. 

It  was  therefore  a  serious  undertaking  to  introduce  a 
large  number  of  fanatical  Muhammedans  into  Uganda, 
since  the  danger  was  always  threatening  of  a  coalition 
between  those  of  the  same  religion!  against  native 
Christians  and  Europeans  alike.  The  knowledge  of 
the  vast  hordes  of  Muhammedans  in  the  Sudan  had 
always  hung  as  a  dark  cloud  on  the  northern  horizon, 
making  thoughts  of  the  future  of  Uganda  gloomy  in 
the  extreme,  since  it  seemed  morally  certain  that, 
sooner  or  later,  these  hordes  of  Muhammedans  would 
make  their  way  southward  to  Uganda,  and  unless  some 
stronger  power  than  any  at  present  on  the  Nyanza 
could  be  brought  to  meet  them,  would  sweep  away 
whatever  of  Christianity  or  civilisation  had  been 
established  on  the  shores  of  the  great  Lake. 

The  Arabs  were  gradually  and  surely  being  driven 
out  of  the  Nyassa  region  by  the  indomitable  energy  of 
Mr.  Johnson,  who  took  up  the  work  as  Government 
Commissioner,  which  Lugard,  with  an  utterly  insufficient 
force  and  inadequate  support,  had  so  gallantly  and 
heroically  initiated.  The  Germans  also  had  declared 
war  upon  the  Arab  slavetraders,  while  the  Congo  Free 
State  was  operating  against  them  from  the  west.      So 

*  Pa^es  144,  145,  "British  Mission  to  Uganda  in  1893." 


1 89 1]  An  Erroneous  Principle  i8i 

that  there  was  an  increasing  danger  lest  the  various 
separate  Muhammedan  elements  should  coalesce  into 
an  overwhelming  power,  which  should  sweep  everything 
before  it.  Under  these  circumstances  it  seemed,  to 
both  French  and  English  missionaries,  dangerous  in  the 
extreme  to  strengthen  the  Muhammedan  cause  by- 
giving  a  large  number  of  fighting  men  of  the  same 
creed  a  foothold  in  Uganda. 

I  am  not  aware,  however,  if  this  important  decisioi 
to  introduce  Emin  Pasha's  Sudanese  into  Uganda  wa« 
ever  definitely  communicated  to  the  European  mission] 
aries  in  Uganda,  or  whether  their  advice  was  evei 
asked  upon  the  subject,  on  the  principle,  I  supposp,] 
that  their  business  was  wholly  of  a  religious  natui 
A  principle  which  applied  in  so  restricted  a  sense  ;is" 
entirely  erroneous,  since  the  European  missionaries  were 
most  deeply  concerned  in  every  act  of  the  Company's  ; 
for  it  is  evident  that  any  mistake  on  the  Company's 
part  might  precipitate  a  crisis  involving  the  gravest 
consequences  to  them,  and  the  risk,  if  not  actually  the 
loss,  of  their  lives.  Eventually,  as  will  be  seen,  they  were 
actually  called  upon  to  take  arms  into  their  hands  at 
the  instance  of  the  British  Resident  to  oppose  the 
Sudanese  when  the  mutiny  came.  Hence  the  mis- 
sionaries, as  part  of  the  little  European  band  in  the 
country,  had  the  strongest  possible  claim,  at  any  rate, 
to  be  heard  before  decisions  were  made  which  must  so 
closely  affect  their  nearest  interests.  This  claim,  how- 
ever, was,  I  think,  never  allowed,  nor  was  the  political 
position  of  the  missionaries  considered  until  the  arrival 
of  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal  in  the  country. 


1 82  The  Start  for  Kavallis  [1891 

The  important  decision  was,  however,  made,  and 
Captain  Lugard  marched  from  Uganda  on  June  i6th, 
being  accompanied  by  Grant  and  Macpherson,  two  men 
that  well  supported  the  honour  of  Scotland,  besides 
Zakaria,  whose  well-merited  praises  are  in  the  mouths 
of  all  travellers  who  have  met  him,  including  Stanley 
and  Portal.  There  also  accompanied  the  expedition 
Kasagama  and  Bikweamba  Yafeti,*  two  young  princes 
of  the  royal  house  of  Unyoro,  who  were  heirs  to  the 
throne  of  Toro.  The  boys  had  been  brought  to 
Uganda,  and  been  given  a  small  estate  by  Mutesa.Toro 
itself  having  been  overrun  by  the  Ba-nyoro.  During 
my  former  sojourn  in  Uganda  Yafeti  used  often  to 
visit  our  mission  with  his  sister,  a  handsome  Muhuma 
princess,  who  came  attended  by  two  children,  a  boy 
and  a  girl,  remarkable  for  their  beauty.  The  boy 
Kibi-Kiriwo  had  one  of  the  most  perfect  faces  I  have 
ever  seen.  When  I  last  saw  Yafeti,  in  1892,  I  asked 
for  his  sister  and  the  two  children.  He  told  me 
that  the  princess  was  dead,  that  the  little  girl  had 
disappeared,  and  the  boy  Kibi-Kiriwo  had  died  of  the 
plague.  Yafeti  was  one  of  those  who,  with  his  sister, 
was  baptised  at  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  1886. 
I  do  not  remember  Kasagama.  He  was  probably 
living  in  the  country  estate  when  Yafeti  was  attending 
the  mission  classes.  Lugard  intended  to  reinstate  his 
younger  brother  Kasagama  as  Mukama  or  King  of  Toro, 
and  to  make  Yafeti  his  Katikiro  or  Chief  Minister. 

*  Yafeti,  the  elder,  was  one  of  those  who  suffered  mutilation  by 
the  orders  of  the  late  king  on  the  advice  of  the  vicious  Arabs  a 
that  time  at  his  court. 


iSgi]  Kasagama  reinstated  183 

When  his  preparations  were  completed  Lugard 
marched  towards  the  Albert  Lake,  by  way  of  Budu, 
passing  Masaka,  the  Pokino's  capital,  where  Walker 
(now  Archdeacon)  was  established.  He  crossed  the 
northern  portion  of  the  kingdom  of  Busagala  or 
Enkore,  whose  Mukama  (King)  was  Entare  (Lion),  and 
who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  chief  who  had  generously 
harboured  the  Christian  refugees.  From  Entare's  the 
expedition  moved  in  a  south-westerly  direction  till  it 
reached  the  narrow  water  which  connects  Lake  Albert 
Edward  (discovered  by  Stanley  in  1890)  with  the 
smaller  Lake  Lusango,  both  of  which  pour  their  waters 
northwards  to  the  Albert  Lake,  through  the  Semliki 
River.  Near  this  river  is  the  small  salt  lake  described 
by  Captain  Lugard.  "  Its  water,"  he  says,  "  is  of  a 
deep  claret  red.  It  is  very  shallow,  and  every 
stick  and  stone,  and  the  banks  on  its  margin,  are 
encrusted  with  the  crystal  salt,  exactly  as  you  shall  see 
a  pond  in  England  when  a  slight  frost  has  fringed  its 
edges  with  ice.  The  salt  is  excellent,  white  with  a 
beautiful  rose  tint,  and  the  natives  come  from  great 
distances  to  barter  goods  and  produce  for  it."  * 

Captain  Lugard  proceeded,  in  the  first  place,  to 
establish  Kasagama  in  his  own  country  of  Toro,  which 
lies    at  the   foot   of  Ruenzori,   where  he    built    a    fort 

*  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  December 
1892.  "  Travels,"  etc.,  by  Captain  F.  D.  Lugard.  These  two 
lakes,  Albert  Edward  and  the  Salt  Lake,  are  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  great  Ruenzori  range,  the  highest  point  of  which  is 
snowclad,  and  attains  a  height  of  between  sixteen  and  seventeen 
thousand  feet.  This  mountain  was  also  discovered  by  H.  M. 
Stanley  during  the  Emin  Relief  Expedition. 


184  A  hard  Treaty  [1891 

(Edward).  He  then  made  a  treaty  with  his  protege 
the  young  king,  who  was  forced  to  promise  the  Com- 
pany a  monopoly  of  all  ivory  (elephants  swarmed  in  the 
district),  and  in  "  all  matters "  to  obey  the  Resident 
at  Mengo.  This  treaty  is  quite  a  model  instrument. 
Insistence  on  obedience  in  all  matters — after  giving  up 
the  most  valuable  item  of  revenue — might  appear  even 
to  the  most  cynical  to  be  going  too  far  ;  while  to  those 
who  advocate  fair  treatment  for  native  chiefs  it  will 
furnish  a  fresh  argument  against  the  system  of 
chartered  companies,  a  system  analogous  to  the  happily 
exploded  iniquity  of  letters  of  marque. 

Kasagama  was  gladly  received  by  the  people  of 
Toro,  and,  to  use  the  picturesque  language  of  Lugard  : 
"  The  fugitive  Wahuma  came  out  from  their  hiding 
among  the  mountains,  escaped  from  their  slavery 
among  the  Wanyoro,  or  bade  farewell  to  Entare,  who 
had  sheltered  them,  and  with  great  rejoicing  recognised 
the  boy  Kasagama  as  their  king."  * 

At  the  end  of  August  Captain  Lugard  marched 
northward,  and  crossing  the  great  Semliki  River,  finally, 
on  September  7th,  reached  Kavalli's,  where  he  came 
upon  the  Sudanese,  who  had  made  their  way  down  from 
Emin's  old  province,  and  had  established  themselves 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kavalli,  under  Selim  Bey. 
Selim  himself  was  not  present  with  them,  having  gone 
to  meet  the  last  and  very  large  contingent  of  refugees 
from  Wadelai.  Four  days  later  he  came  himself  in 
person,  having  at  first  attempted  to  open   negotiations 

*  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  l^ovembev 
1892,  p.  837. 


1891]  Selim  Bey  185 

with  Lugard  by  means  of  messengers.  On  the  arrival 
of  Selim  the  important  object  of  the  Englishman's 
coming  was  broached  between  the  two  African  leaders. 
Selim  Bey  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  some 
character,  and,  at  any  rate,  had  unbounded  influence 
over  his  own  people.  In  person  he  was  enormously 
fat,  and,  I  believe,  dropsical.  He  could  hardly  walk, 
and  was  obliged  to  use  a  donkey  in  travelling.  He  was, 
I  suppose,  a  Sudanese,  though  from  what  I  recollect 
he  was  some  shades  lighter  than  the  ordinary  types  of 
the  people  who  are  classed  under  this  designation. 

The  Sudanese,  much  as  I  disliked  them,  and  deeply 
as  I  regretted  their  introduction  to  Uganda,  were  yet 
not  without  sterling  qualities,  which,  in  some  respects, 
made  them  superior  to  the  pleasanter  and  more  versatile 
inhabitants  of  Uganda.  They  were  what  the  Scotch 
call  "  dour  bodies  " — scowling  and  sullen — but  they 
were  brave  and  industrious,  and  possessed  a  certain 
amount  of  dignity  which  commanded  respect. 

According  to  Selim's  account,  he  had  been  given  an 
impossible  task  when  ordered  by  Stanley  to  collect 
the  remaining  garrisons  of  Equatoria  in  time  to  join 
the  relief  expedition  on  its  coastward  march,  and  he 
was  especially  bitter  against  Emin  Pasha  for  having,  as 
he  said  deserted  him. 

It  is  difficult  really  to  thread  one's  way  through  the 
various  narratives  ;  but  considering  the  extreme  slow- 
ness with  which  people  move  in  Central  Africa,  it  is 
not  impossible  that  Selim  was  really  loyally  endeavour- 
ing to  carry  out  the  evacuation,  and  Lugard,  on  the 
whole,  seems  to  favour  this  view.      A  bitter  opponent, 


1 86  Fadl  Maula  [1891 

however,  of  Selim's  policy  had  appeared  in  the  person 
of  Fadl  Maula  Bey,  who  was  in  command  at  Wadelai. 
This  man  plotted  with  the  troops,  and  suddenly  seizing 
all  the  ammunition  in  the  magazines,  marched  out  of 
Wadelai.  The  garrisons  whom  Selim  had  been  collect- 
ing flocked  to  Fadl  Maula,  who,  however,  was  secretly 
plotting  to  place  himself  in  the  hands  of  the  dervishes. 
Selim  was  thus  left  with  a  very  small  following,  and 
with  them  he  moved  down  to  Kavalli's,  with  whom 
he  was  glad,  after  losing  half  his  men  in  repelling 
attacks  of  hostile  natives,  to  form  an  alliance.  Mean- 
while Fadl  Maula  was  appointed  Emir  by  the  com- 
mander of  the  dervishes,  but  found  it  well  to  keep  aloof 
from  his  own  men,  who  would  have  nothing  to  say  to 
the  dervishes.  Fadl  Maula's  soldiers  then  returned  to 
Wadelai,  and  at  that  place  awaited  the  coming  of  the 
dervishes.  No  sooner  had  the  dervishes  put  in  an 
appearance  than  these  old  troops  of  Emin  attacked 
them  fiercely,  and  defeated  them  with  great  loss. 
Fadl  Maula  Bey  seems  to  have  subsequently  joined 
the  dervishes,  while  his  victorious  soldiers,  finding  that 
their  leader  had  betrayed  them,  now  marched  south  to 
Kavalli's,  to  place  themselves  under  the  command  of 
Selim  Bey,  and  it  was  at  this  interesting  juncture  that 
Captain  Lugard  arrived. 

Lugard  at  once  proposed  that  Selim  should,  with  his 
soldiers,  enlist  in  the  Company's  service,  on  the  con- 
dition that  the  Khedive's  consent  could  be  obtained, 
but  that  pending  the  arrival  of  letters  permitting  him 
to  enlist  with  the  English  or  otherwise,  he  should  be 
under  the  orders  of  the  British  Company. 


1 89 1]  A  horrible  Rabble  187 

Selim  at  first  agreed  ;  but  next  day  he  hung  back, 
wishing  to  make  his  remaining  in  absolute  control  of 
his  men  a  condition  of  joining  Lugard,  and  also  wishing 
to  provide  against  the  splitting  up  of  his  following. 
Selim's  idea  was  rather  of  alliance  than  of  enlistment; 
but  partly  by  threats  and  partly  by  promises,  Lugard 
obtained  his  consent  to  accompany  him.  Selim,  how- 
ever, stipulated  that  the  Sudanese  should  retain  the 
Egyptian  flag,  though  in  British  territory,  and  that 
all  orders  should  be  given  to  the  Sudanese  through 
Selim  himself 

Of  Sudanese  soldiers  proper  there  were  only  a  few 
hundreds,  while  women,  children,  slaves,  camp  followers, 
and  hangers-on  swelled  the  numbers  up  to  some  eight 
thousand  souls.  Thus,  in  order  to  obtain  the  doubtful 
services  of  a  few  hundred  Sudanese  soldiers,  Captain 
Lugard  was  obliged  to  become  responsible  for  this 
horrible  riff-raff  rabble  of  between  seven  and  eight 
thousand  persons.  He  recrossed  the  Semliki  River  with 
some  nine  thousand  souls,  and  marching  southward  he 
built  five  forts  in  all  between  the  Albert  and  Albert 
Edward  Lakes,  in  which  he  stationed  the  bulk  of  the 
Sudanese  refugees.  These  were  placed  under  the  sur- 
veillance of  young  Mr.  de  Winton,  to  whom  was 
allotted  the  frightful  task  of  endeavouring  to  keep  them 
in  order. 

The  task,  as  may  be  easily  understood,  was  quite 
impossible  for  any  one  man  short  of  a  General  Gordon, 
and  this  brave  young  Englishman  died  practically  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  Muhammedans.  The  boy 
chief,   Kasagama,  whom  these  wolves  were  placed    to 


1 88  Devilish  Deeds  [1891 

guard,  very  soon  felt  the  sharpness  of  their  fangs,  while 
the  unhappy  people  found  to  their  cost  that  if  Kabarega 
had  scourged  them  with  whips  these  ruthless  strangers 
scourged  them  with  scorpions.  The  frontier  of  Unyoro 
was  laid  waste  by  them,  and  it  may  be  understood 
what  just  grounds  Kabarega  had  for  reprisals  after 
these  garrisons — left  by  the  English — had  been  raiding, 
robbing,  devastating,  and  doing  in  Unyoro  such  devilish 
deeds  of  hideous  shame  as  one  shrinks  from  writing 
down. 

Poor  young  de  Winton  was  not  even  nominally  in 
control  of  the  Sudanese,  who  were  directly  under 
Selim  Bey  and  Captain  Lugard — a  position  which 
must  have  been  absolutely  intolerable,  and  one  in 
which  he  was  practically  powerless  to  be  of  any  use 
or  to  gain  any  credit. 

Lugard  re-entered  Uganda  with  some  two  or  three 
hundred  Sudanese  soldiers  and  five  or  six  hundred 
of  the  riff-raff  before  alluded  to,  having  performed  an 
incredible  amount  of  hard  work,  and  having  concluded  a 
task  of  almost  overwhelming  difficulty  with  triumphant 
success. 

To  my  mind,  however,  the  object  attained  was  not 
a  desirable  object,  for  a  most  dangerous  and  dis- 
turbing element  had  now  been  introduced  into  the 
country,  and  the  Sudanese  afterwards  became  a  sore 
thorn  in  the  side  of  the  English  administration  in 
Uganda. 

On  December  19th  Lugard  once  more  reached 
Masaka,  the  capital  of  Budu,  where  the  Pokino 
Nikodemo  happened  to  be,  and  where  Walker  was  still 


1 89 1]  Startling  Communications  189 

stationed.  But  the  events  which  had  happened  in 
Uganda  during  Lugard's  absence,  and  the  startling 
nature  of  the  communications  from  England  which 
awaited  him  on  his  arrival  at  Mengo,  I  must  reserve 
for  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER   VII 

UGANDA    P0LI2ICS 


A  reasonable  Hope — An  awkward  Dilemma — English  Missionaries 
support  the  Chiefs — A  serious  Breach — Inconsequent  Reasonitig 
—  Williams  secures  the  good  Offices  of  Missionaries — Importance 
of  the  King — The  King  offers  to  join  the  English  Faction — A 
neglected  Opportunity — An  tinpardonahle  Vice  .'—Hostilities 
co77imenced — Importation  of  Artns — A  solid  Brick  Fort — 
Arrival  of  new  French  Missionaries — A  Bolt  fro7n  the  Blue — 
The  Directors'  Suggestion — Feeling  of  the  Missionaries — 
Resolute  Protestants — Failure  of  a  Scheme — Att  Impregnable 
Island — A  fair  Catholic  Kingdom — Uncertainty  as  to  With- 
drawal— A  Match  to  the  Powder. 


i89i] 


CHAPTER    VII 

UGANDA    POLITICS 

IN  my  capacity  of  chronicler  I  feel  it  incumbent 
upon  me  to  attempt  some  elucidation  of  the 
politics  of  this  period,  and  to  endeavour  to  show  what 
were  the  main  forces  and  influences  at  work.  The 
French  priests  were  the  most  active  influence  in  the 
country,  and  were  the  backbone  of  the  opposition  to 
English  political  influence  in  Uganda  as  represented 
by  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company.  In 
spite  of  the  somewhat  pretentious  claims  of  the 
Company,  its  influence  was  a  good  deal  overrated  by 
its  representatives,  and  even  after  its  victory  over  the 
Roman  Catholic  faction  Sir  Gerald  Portal  was  able  to 
write  in  1893  :  "The  Company's  influence  here  seems 
very  small."  It  is  true  that  the  English  missionaries 
had  obtained  great  influence  over  their  own  converts, 
yet  Bishop  Tucker  seems  hardly  to  have  realised  the 
true  attitude  of  Monseigneur  Hirth  (the  French 
bishop),  or  had  he  done  so  I  think  he  would  not  have 
told  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal  that,  had  he,  Bishop 
Tucker,  remained  in  Uganda,  the  arrangement  between 
the  political  parties  would  not  have  broken  down.      I 

193  1 3 


194  ^  Reasonable  Hope  [1891 

think  the  reader  who  has  thus  far  followed  me  will 
see  that  unless  the  French  priests  had  desired  an 
arrangement,  no  arrangement  with  the  "  French  "  party 
under  any  circumstances  was  possible.  The  French 
priests  had  every  reason  to  hope  for  the  extinction  of 
English  interests,  when  they  might  step  into  supreme 
power,  since  British  occupation  depended  upon  the 
rapidly  diminishing  exchequer  of  a  small  trading 
company. 

Captain  Lugard  has  given  it  as  his  opinion  that  the 
priests  were  under  the  influence  of  a  young  Uganda 
chief  named  Mujasi,  who  had  married  the  king's  sister. 
Now,  as  this  Mujasi  had  been  bred  and  brought  up  in 
the  French  mission,  it  is  evident  that  the  influence  was 
far  less  likely  to  be  exercised  by  the  young  convert 
over  men  of  the  world  (who  had  received  a  severe 
training  with  special  reference  to  winning  influence 
over  men),  than  by  the  priests  over  the  young 
convert. 

During  Captain  Lugard's  six  months'  absence  on  his 
expedition  to  Kavalli's  he  left  Kampala  in  charge  of 
his  energetic  colleague,  Captain  (now  Major)  Williams, 
R,A.,  whom  he  has  described  as  a  keen  soldier,  whose 
interests  lay  entirely  in  his  profession. 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  Captain 
Williams,  like  Lugard,  was  absolutely  impartial  on  the 
religious  question,  and  had  the  Englishman's  cha- 
racteristic desire  for  freedom  in  religious  matters.  But 
he  fell  into  a  not  unnatural  mistake  in  failing  to  see 
that  the  great  question   in   Uganda  was  not  so  much 


1891]  An  Awkivard  Dilemma  195 

religious  as  political,  the  point  at  issue  really  being^^ 
the  establishment  or  not  of  English  influence  in  the 
country  ;  unfortunately,  also,  religion  and  politics  had 
become  inextricably  mingled,  and  could  not,  as  things 
were,  be  disentangled.  To  support  English  influence 
it  was  necessary  for  the  representative  of  the  Company 
to  become  a  partisan,  for  the  time  being,  of  that  party 
which  was  nominally  Protestant,  while  not  to  become 
partisans  of  the  English  party  meant  standing  on  one 
side  to  see  English  influence  overthrown  before  the 
eyes  of  the  men  who  had  been  sent  to  Uganda  to 
make  English  influence  paramount. 

It  was  a  very  awkward  dilemma,  and  one  of  which 
the  clever  French  priests  were  not  slow  to  take  ad- 
vantage ;  nor  had  they  long  to  wait  for  the  opportunity, 
which  soon  presented  itself  in  the  question  already 
referred  to,  of  changing  from  one  political  party  to 
another,  which  involved  also  a  nominal  change  of 
religion  !  The  king  was  living  openly  as  a  heathen, 
but  politically  was  French,  and  therefore  the  mass  of 
heathen  in  the  country  were  French.  There  were, 
naturally,  out  of  the  six  hundred  chiefs,  great  and 
small,  of  the  English  party,  a  large  number  who,  if 
they  might  retain  their  positions,  would  go  over  to  the 
strongest  faction  in  the  country — viz.,  that  of  the  king, 
no  matter  what  faction  he  favoured.  Their  doing  so, 
of  course,  would  weaken  the  fighting  men  on  the 
English  side,  and  the  English  chiefs  naturally  objected 
to  their  secession  from  the  party. 

The  English  missionaries  supported  the  chiefs,  sinceJ 
the  question  was  very  important.      Their  yielding   the 


196  A  Serious  Breach  [1891 

point  might  have  meant  the  wreck  of  the  Protestant 
cause  in  Uganda.  Monseigneur  Hirth,  the  French 
bishop,  cleverly  used  the  argument  that  to  make  a 
man  vacate  his  post  because  he  turned  Roman  Catholic 
was  downright  religious  persecution.  Whereupon 
Captain  Williams  consulted  Captain  Lugard's  statute 
book,  which  he  understood  to  contain  nothing  but 
binding  agreements,  and  came  upon  the  clause  which 
declared  every  man  free  to  join  what  religion  or  faction 
he  pleased.  This  clause,  however,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, had  not  been  agreed  to  by  the  Protestants 
[see  pp.  162,  163). 

This  led  to  a  serious  breach  between  the  English 
missionaries  and  the  Company's  representatives,  and 
the  missionaries  sent  Captain  Williams  a  written 
protest.  I  have  not  myself  seen  the  protest  ;  but  my 
readers  will  understand  the  strong  sense  of  injustice 
under  which  the  missionaries  must  have  written  when 
they  saw  so  disastrous  a  policy  being  pursued,  know- 
ing the  while  that  it  was  quite  counter  to  the  real 
agreement. 

On  Captain  Lugard's  arrival  the  mistake  in  the 
statute  book  was  at  once  explained,  and  the  status  quo 
was  restored.  This  of  course  was  most  annoying  to 
the  priests,  and  looked  merely  as  if  the  Company  had 
now  oscillated  back  into  the  arms  of  the  English 
missionaries. 

By  a  curiously  inconsequent  reasoning  Captain 
Lugard  has  taken  the  complaints  made  by  both  sides 
against  Captain  Williams'  administration  as  a  proof  of 
its  purity  and  impartiality,  quite  failing  to  see,  that  if 


1891J  Captain   Williams    Policy  197 

the  complaints  in  both  cases  happened  to  be  well 
grounded,  they  would  prove  quite  as  conclusively  the 
weakness  and  vacillation  of  the  attempt  to  administer 
the  country.  I  am  not  writing  this  to  throw  undue 
blame  on  the  Company's  officers  regarding  this  par- 
ticular matter,  which  was  purely  a  mistake  ;  but  to 
deprecate  the  conclusion  that  complaints  as  to  the 
Company's  failure  to  deal  with  the  situation  was  a 
proof  of  narrow  mindedness  on  the  part  of  either 
English  or  French  missionaries. 

No  one,  for  a  moment,  who  knows  anything  of  the 
circumstances  in  which  Captain  Williams  found  himself 
during  Lugard's  absence  can  fail  to  realise  how  difficult 
was  his  position.  His  resource  and  energy  were  suffi- 
ciently proved  by  the  fact,  that  somehow  or  other 
during  his  administration  the  factions  were  kept  from 
flying  at  one  another's  throats. 

He  adopted  the  policy  of  securing,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  good  offices  of  the  missionaries  in  restraining  the 
angry  passions  of  their  respective  converts.* 

*  Extract  from  letter  of  Rev.  R.  H.  Walker,  July  14th,  1891, 
Church  Missionary  Society'' s  Intelligencer,  February  1892  : 
"  Captain  Williams  has  asked  me  to  remain  here  for  a  few 
days  to  help  him  to  arrange  a  few  laws  for  the  settling  of  the 
country.  The  Catholics  and  Protestants  agreed  that  each  of 
these  religions  should  hold  half  the  offices  in  the  country  ;  the 
country  has  been  so  divided  between  the  two  parties.  Now, 
many  want  to  leave  the  Protestant  party  and  to  join  that  of  the 
king,  because  they  get  more  honour  by  doing  so.  The  Protestants 
agree  to  their  leaving  and  becoming  Catholics,  but  say,  of  course, 
they  leave  their  offices  or  territories  behind  them  when  they 
change  parties.  Some  consider  it  unfair  to  make  a  man  give  up 
his  position  in  the  country  because  he  changes  his  religion.  The 
Catholics  fall  in  with  this,  as  it  will  increase  the  power  of  their 


198  Importance  of  the  King  [1891 

Without  wearying  the  reader  with  details  of  endless 
quarrels  about  estates  and  gardens,  I  may  now  refer 
to  one  of  the  more  important  political  accidents  which 
occurred  during  this  period  ;  and  first  I  may  mention 
the  offer  of  the  king  to  join  the  Protestant  party. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  importance  of  the  king 
as  being  the  person  who  really  drew  in  his  train  the 
great  mass  of  heathen  and  those  indifferent  to  the 
new  religions,  and  the  enormous  advantage  accruing  to 
the    party    who    obtained    his    support.       It    was    the 

party  in  the  land.  We,  as  missionaries,  teach  that  political  and 
temporal  power  are  not  aids  to  religion,  and  therefore  advise  our 
people  to  give  them  up.  They  say  they  are  willing  to  do  this,  but 
then  they  will  leave  the  country,  as  they  do  not  care  to  remain  in 
it  just  to  be  bullied  by  the  Catholics.  The  Protestants  say,  'We 
have  bought  half  the  power  in  the  country  with  our  blood,  and  it 
is  as  much  ours  as  if  we  had  bought  it  with  money ;  therefore,  if 
we  wish  to  turn  a  man  out  of  any  of  the  offices  or  countries  that 
have  been  allotted  to  us,  we  can  do  so,  and  the  Catholics  have 
no  cause  for  complaint.'  I  have  to  go  up  to  the  camp  every 
morning  for  four  hours  to  meet  the  Roman  Catholic  priests  and 
Catholic  and  Protestant  chiefs." 

Extract  of  letter  from  Mr.  G.  L.  Pilkington,  dated  Namirembe, 
•Uganda,  August  nth,  1891,  Church  Alissioiiary  Society's  In- 
telligencer, February  1892:  "Now  about  things  here.  Politics, 
(how  I  hate  them,  but  I  suppose  they  are  necessary  evils  !)  hinder 
the  work  more  than  anything.  When  I  came  back  from  the 
island  of  Sesse,  after  a  week's  change  to  try  to  shake  off  fever, 
the  country  was  terribly  excited.  We  all  of  us  (Walker  and 
Baskerville  were  here  then)  really  apprehended  war,  or  at  any 
rate,  that  the  Protestants  would  leave  the  country.  This  was 
caused  by  a  proposal  from  Captain  Williams  to  abolish  the 
agreement  made  between  the  two  parties,  and  to  permit  chiefs 
(all  of  whom  now  hold  office  qua  Protestant  or  Roman  Catholic, 
appointed  by  one  or  other  party)  who  change  their  religion  to 
retain  their  chieftainships.     We  should,  of  course,  be  delighted 


iSgi]    The  King  o^ers  to  join  English  Faction    199 

possession  of  the  king  that  gave  the  Roman  Catholics 
such  preponderant  power  in  the  country.  This  advan- 
tage was  suddenly  offered  to  the  Company  ;  and  it 
came  about  in  this  way.  The  Roman  Catholic  chiefs, 
disgusted  with  the  king's  immoralities,  had  seized  a 
number  of  the  king's  boy  pages,  and  put  them  to 
death. 

The  king  was  furious,  and  at  the  same  time  terrified  ; 
and  it  was  at  this  juncture  he  offered  to  join  the 
Protestant   English  faction — not,  it  will  be  seen,  from 

to  see  full  religious  liberty,  but  the  people  do  not  understand  it, 
and  the  Protestant  party  were  very  resolute  against  accepting  the 
proposal.  This  was  because,  whereas  the  Roman  Catholics  in  the 
choice  of  their  chiefs  had  been  guided  by  the  priests,  and  had 
appointed  consistently  the  most  thorough-going  Roman  Catholics, 
our  party,  on  the  other  hand,  were  guided  by  general,  at  least  as 
much  as  by  religious,  considerations  {e.g.,  hereditary  claims, 
fitness  other  than  religious),  Gordon  and  Walker  refusing  to 
choose  the  chiefs.  Well,  the  other  day,  the  Roman  Catholic 
bishop  claimed  '  religious  liberty '  from  Captain  Williams,  on 
the  ground  that  the  country  was  under  the  British  flag.  Our  party 
answered  that  if  that  were  the  case,  and  we  were  really  under 
British  government,  and  therefore  we  could  have  British  justice,' 
let  Captain  Williams  hoist  the  English  flag,  and  let  us  follow 
British  customs.  He  tried  to  do  so,  but  the  attempt  did  not 
succeed,  the  Roman  Catholics  and  the  king  refusing  point-blank. 

"Well,  this,  and  the  division  of  the  islands,  and  the  in- 
numerable cases  of  men  turned  out  of  gardens,  houses  destroyed, 
goods  stolen,  etc.,  etc.,  has  occupied  every  one  for  weeks  past. 

"  At  first  the  church  was  empty  on  week-day  mornings,  but  a 
day  or  two  after  Walker  and  Baskerville  went  I  made  a  round  of 
visits  to  various  chiefs,  urging  them  to  be  patient,  and  aim  at 
'  peace  at  any  price,'  and  to  come  and  bring  their  people  in  the 
mornings.  Since  then  we  have  always  had  fair,  and  sometimes 
very  large  (five  or  six  hundred  at  least)  congregations — on  week- 
days I  mean.     On  Sundays  the  church  is  crowded  out." 


200  A  Neglected  Opportunity  [1891 

any  love  of  English  influence  or  Protestant  Christianity, 
but  merely  from  fear,  and  dislike  of  the  faction  he  was 
now  led  by. 

The  Company's  representative,  however,  did  not 
venture  to  take  the  king  at  his  word,  but  rather  depre- 
cated his  joining  the  Protestant  party,  and  advised  him 
to  wait  until  Lugard's  return  to  Mengo.  Thus  a 
golden  opportunity  was  neglected,  and  the  king  was 
lost  to  the  English  cause.  The  reason  for  refusing 
Mwanga's  advances  was  apparently  that  the  Company's 
officials  hoped  to  get  hold  of  the  king  apart  from  either 
of  the  two  great  factions,  and  by  this  means  hold  the 
balance  between  them — a  clever  enough  policy  had 
they  been  able  to  carry  it  out.  The  reader  must  not 
for  a  moment  suppose  that  the  present  advances  on 
the  king's  part  were  rejected  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  a  man  so  evil,  and  such  a  disgrace  to  humanity, 
that  no  clean-handed  person  could  make  any  agreement 
or  have  any  dealings  with  him  at  all. 

His  character  was  well  known  before  the  arrival  of 
the  Company,  who  were  well  aware  that  he  was  grossly 
and  disgracefully  vicious,  and  that  he  had  murdered 
Bishop  Hannington  and  numbers  of  Christians,  and  yet 
they  made  overtures  to  him  and  concluded  treaties  with 
him  ;  and  therefore  the  omission  to  secure  him  absolutely 
on  this  occasion  was  due  rather  to  the  failure  to  grasp 
the  situation,  than  to  any  feeling  of  shrinking  from 
supporting  so  unsatisfactory  a  character  as  this  un- 
happy king. 

The  king's  sudden  hostility  to  the  P'rench  faction 
put  a  new  complexion  on  political  matters,  and,  at  all 


1 89 1]  An   Unpardonable   Vice  201 

hazards,  the  French  missionaries  felt  they  must  in  some 
way  or  other  secure  the  king. 

The  king,  according  to  one  account,  had  become 
increasingly  excited  on  the  arrival  of  Martin's  caravan 
with  ammunition,  etc.,  for  the  Company,  and  seeing  that 


NIKODEMO    POKING,    AFTERWARDS    SEKIBOBO. 

they  were  now  exceedingly  strong,  he  desired  to  join 
them,  and  in  order  to  do  so  had  now  opened  negotia- 
tions with  the  English  party.  This  was  met  by  a 
counter  move  of  the  "  French,"  who  suggested  the 
deposition  of  Mwanga  on  the  ground  of  his  vices,  the 
most  unpardonable  being  his  political  leaning  towards 
the    English  !      They   proposed    to    substitute   one    of 


202  Hostilities  Commenced  [1891 

Mwanga's  nephews,  who  was  being  educated  by  the 
priests  at  their  station  of  Bukumbi,  at  the  south  of  the 
Nyanza.  The  Protestant  chiefs  saw  through  this,  and 
declined  to  assist  in  deposing  the  king,  evil  though  he 
might  be. 

Soon  after  the  murder  of  Mwanga's  boys  the  French 
bishop  interviewed  the  irate  king,  and  subsequently  a 
very  large  present  of  ivory  was  collected  by  the 
Catholic  chiefs,  and  the  murder  was  amply  apologised 
for,  and  the  king  was  once  more  won  over  to  the 
French  faction,  and  received  the  obnoxious  French 
chiefs  back  into  favour. 

Having,  for  the  time  being,  secured  the  adherence 
of  Mwanga  to  their  side,  a  bold  provocative  policy  of 
aggression  was  now  entered  upon  by  the  French  party, 
and  this  policy  resulted  in  what  appeared  like  an 
organised  attack  upon  the  Protestants,  There  is  little 
doubt  that  overtures  were  made  to  some  of  the  neigh- 
bouring kings  to  support  the  King  of  Uganda  in  the 
attempted  attack  on  the  Protestant  chiefs.  Notably 
was  this  the  case  with  the  islanders  of  Uvuma,  who 
were  allies  of  Mwanga,  and  who  received  instructions 
to  assemble  their  canoes,  while  Kamswaga  of  Koki,  a 
semi-independent  king,  who  possessed  seven  hundred 
guns,  suddenly  invaded  Budu  at  the  same  time 
that  a  determined  attack  was  made  by  the  Roman 
Catholics  upon  their  Protestant  neighbours  in  that 
country.  The  English  faction,  however,  under  the  old 
Pokino,  who  afterwards  stood  so  staunchly  by  Captain 
Macdonald,  met  the  attack  with  decision  ;  and  here, 
as  well  as  on  the  islands  and  at  every  point  where  they 


1891]  Importation  of  Anns  203 

attacked,  they  showed  great  courage,  and,  to  quote 
Captain  Lugard,  "  though  greatly  outnumbered,  de- 
feated their  rivals,  and  were,  in  every  instance, 
victorious."  A  more  serious  danger  by  far  had 
threatened  to  the  east  in  the  province  of  Kyagwe, 
bordering  on  the  Nile,  where  the  French  faction  was 
especially  strong.  The  arrival  of  Martin,  however, 
with  his  large  caravan,  which  took  place  about  the 
same  time  as  Captain  Lugard's  return  to  Kampala,  for 
the  time  being  averted  a  general  outbreak. 

The  leaders  of  the  French  party  had  seen  clearly 
that  any  hope  of  acquiring  the  country  and  defending 
it  against  Arab  aggression  (and  this  is  a  very  important 
consideration,  which  must  by  no  means  be  lost  sight 
of  as  a  strong  justification  for  their  action)  must  lie  in 
arming  the  people  themselves  ;  and  with  this  object  in 
view  there  is  no  doubt  at  all  that  the  French 
missionaries  endeavoured  to  import  arms  from  the 
coast.*       In    considering    the    question    whether  there 

*  There  is  a  most  important  statement  on  p.  13O;  "  Notes  on 
Uganda,"  by  the  Catholic  Union  of  Great  Britain,  which  admits 
that  breech-loading  rifles  zaere  tm^oried  to  the  Nyanza  hy 
French  priests  concealed  i?i  other  loads.  An  explanation  of 
this  most  extraordinary  fact  is  given  by  Monseigneur  Livinhac, 
who  declares  the  rifles  were  duly  declared  in  the  ordinary  course 
at  the  Custom  Houses  of  Zanzibar  and  Bagamoyo,  where  authority 
to  carry  them  into  the  interior  was  obtained.  This  is  the  more 
strange  as  that  very  same  year  the  English  missionaries  had 
serious  difficulty  in  getting  the  required  permission  to  carry  each  a 
breech-loading  gun.  The  Catholic  Union  adds  that  Monseigneur 
Livinhac  says  these  rifles  were  required  for  the  defence  of  the 
caravans  and  of  the  mission  stations  both  in  English  and  in 
German  territor}'  ;  and  he  gives  several  examples  to  show  that  an 
escort  of  armed  men  is  often  necessary  both  for  the  security  of 


204  A   Solid  Brick  Fort  [1891 

are  any  circumstances  under  which  missionaries  may 
import  arms,  or  any  motives  which  might  justify  their 
doing  so,  it  is  hardly  fair  to  put  missionaries  into  a 
different  category  from  other  Christians  ;  and  as  things 
were,  the  priests,  if  they  were  not  justified  in  their 
action,  were,  at  any  rate,  in  so  difficult  a  position  that 
it  is  hard  to  see  from  their  point  of  view  what  other 
course  they  could  have  taken. 

The  French  missionaries,  as  a  part  of  their  plan, 
began  to  construct  a  solid  brick  fort  on  the  very  best 
strategic  position  at  the  capital.  This  fort,  extra- 
passage  through  the  country  as  well  as  for  the  safety  of  the 
stations. 

But  if  these  rifles  were  needed  for  the  protection  of  the  caravans, 
it  may  well  be  asked,  why  should  they  be  concealed  inside  bales, 
especially  on  an  occasion  when  there  was  such  real  need  of 
their  being  used  that  the  whole  caravan  was  looted  for  lack  of 
these  rifles,  imported,  as  it  is  said,  for  the  very  purpose  of  de- 
fending caravans  ?  It  seems  to  me  that  Monseigneur  Livinhac 
brings  rather  a  serious  imputation  against  the  German  admini- 
stration in  asserting  that  it  permits  missionaries  to  import  breech- 
loading  rifles  to  protect  their  mission  stations  and  caravans  in 
such  large  quantities  as  stated.  One  feels  that  an  authentic 
report,  if  it  were  possible  to  obtain  it,  as  to  the  numbers  of  arms 
imported  would  be  desirable ;  but  the  secret  importation  of 
arms  and  ammunition  has  alwa3'^s  been  carried  on  by  Arabs 
and  others,  and  it  is  impossible  to  obtain  accurate  information. 

But  there  is  a  further  circumstance  connected  with  these 
particular  rifles  which  throws  much  light  on  the  question  of 
the  French  priests'  desire  for  arms.  It  appears  that  the  request 
for  arms  was  made  by  the  French  missionaries  in  1890,  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Company,  in  view  of  aggression  on  the  part  of 
the  Muhammedans. 

In  1 89 1  we  are  told  that  this  danger  was  over  ;  but  as  a  matter 
of  fact  this  danger,  as  the  whole  tenor  of  Uganda  history  shows, 
was  by  no  means  over,  nor  was  the  permanent  establishment  of 


1891]      Arrizal  of  New  French  Missionaries  205 

ordinary  to  say,  was  quietly  built  during  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company's  administration.  When 
the  war  broke  out  two  sides  of  the  fortification  were 
completed.  After  the  fight  I  examined  it  with  some 
care.  It  had  a  bastion  at  one  corner,  and  loopholes 
were  constructed  so  as  to  be  invisible  from  the  outside, 
but  these  loopholes,  by  knocking  out  a  single  thickness 
of  bricks,  could  be  made  immediately  available  by 
those  within. 

Just  before   the   close   of    1891    a  number  of   new 
French  missionaries  reached  Uganda. 

the  English  Company  very  likely  to  take  place  ;  yet  Monseigneur 
Hirth  wrote  to  Monseigneur  Livinhac,  on  May  5th,  begging  him 
not  to  send  the  rifles  to  Uganda,  and  to  cancel  the  application 
which  he  had  made  for  them  the  year  before.  One  would  like  to 
know  the  date  of  the  first  letter  and  the  terms  in  which  the  order 
was  cancelled.  The  letter  cancelling  the  order,  at  any  rate, 
came  too  late.  The  Catholic  Union  only  quotes  one  passage  of 
this  letter,  as  follows:  "These  rifles  are  useless  except  in 
Bukumbi ;  they  can  be  of  no  use  to  us  in  our  stations  in  Uganda, 
as  you  know."  Bukumbi  is  at  the  south  of  the  Nyanza,  and 
there  is  constant  communication  between  Bukumbi  and  Uganda  ; 
but  Bukumbi  is  also  only  a  few  hours  from  the  Imperial  German 
station  of  Muanza,  on  the  Nyanza,  so  that  one  would  imagine 
there  was  less  need  at  Bukumbi  than  in  unsettled  Uganda  for 
breech-loading  arms,  since  the  French  mission  was  within  easy 
reach  of  the  German  garrison. 

The  only  puzzle  in  the  whole  matter  is  why  the  French  priests 
or  their  defenders  should  be  at  ruch  pains  to  make  themselves 
appear  as  the  hearty  supporters  of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company,  contrary  to  all  the  plainest  evidence  on  the 
subject  that  can  be  procured. 

The  best  defence  possible  for  their  action  is  that  they  were 
under  no  obligation  whatever  to  support  an  English  trading 
company  which  came  with  doubtful  authority,  and  without  the 
intention  of  permanently  remaining. 


2o6  A  Bolt  from  the  Blue  [1891 

The  Protestant  missionaries  now  numbered  five — 
Pilkington,  Baskerville,  Roscoe,  Wright,  and  Collins  * — 
while  the  Company's  officers  consisted  of  the  two 
captains,  Dr.  Macpherson,  Bagge,  Grant,  and  Wilson. 
The  arrival  of  Martin  with  the  caravan  meant  a  con- 
siderable access  of  fighting  strength  to  the  Company. 
But  the  mail  which  Martin  carried  contained  a  letter 
from  the  directors  of  the  Company  ordering  Captain 
Lugard  to  withdraw  at  once  from  Uganda.  This  was 
a  bolt  from  the  blue.  Whatever  might  be  said  of  the 
policy  of  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company  in 
sending  their  agents  to  Uganda,  the  order  to  withdraw 
them  at  this  juncture  was  a  grave  mistake  ;  and  though 
it  may  have  arisen  from  the  cost  involved  to  the 
Company  and  the  political  exigencies  of  the  then 
government,  yet  it  cannot  be  defended  on  any  grounds 
of  the  kind,  since  both  the  outlook  as  regards  money 
and  politics  was  perfectly  plain  before  the  occupation 
of  Uganda  was  undertaken. 

The  directors  of  the  Company,  however,  did  suggest 
a  method  of  dealing  with  the  country  in  case  of  with- 
drawal, which  was  to  endeavour  to  get  the  missionaries 
of  both  factions  to  agree  upon  some  modus  vivendi. 
I  do  not  know  whether  the  priests  would  have  been 
willing  to  come  to  some  agreement,  or  whether  their 
terms  would  have  been  so  hard  that,  sooner  than 
agree,  the  Protestants  would  have  preferred  to  under- 
take a  complete  exodus  to  some  region  nearer  the 
coast. 

Captain  Lugard  has  stated   that  it  would   not  have 
*  Walker  and  I  had  not  yet  come  up  to  the  capital  from  Budu. 


iSgi]  The  Directors    Suggestion-  207 

been  possible  to  form  a  council  of  delegates  of  the 
missionaries,  on  account  of  the  prejudice  they  enter- 
tained against  one  another.  This  is  the  purest 
assumption.  And  though  I  was  acting  secretary 
of  the  English  mission  at  the  time  Lugard  withdrew 
from  Uganda,  the  first  I  ever  heard  of  any  such 
suggestion  having  been  made  by  the  Directors  I 
learned  from  reading  Captain  Lugard's  book  more 
than  two  years  afterwards.  The  French  priests,  I 
imagine,  were  much  in  the  same  position.  They 
felt  themselves  not  wanted  at  Kampala  Fort,  and 
studiously  avoided  going  there  except  upon  some 
urgent  or  pressing  business. 

My  own  feeling  on  reaching  Mengo  was — that  as  I 
had  been  told  my  business  was  not  with  any  political 
matters,  I  would  never  go  to  Kampala  to  offer  advice 
on  the  subject  unless  sent  for  by  the  Company's 
Resident.  I  particularly  deprecated  a  general  invitation 
"  to  chat "  over  political  matters,  as  I  considered  the 
situation  far  too  serious  to  be  so  dealt  with. 

Thus  the  missionaries,  both  Roman  Catholic  and 
Protestant,  felt  that  they  were  studiously  ignored 
by  the  Company's  representatives;  and  speaking  for 
the  time  I  was  in  Uganda,  no  attempt  at  bringing 
the  missionaries  together  was  ever  made  by  the 
Company's  Resident. 

There  were  of  course  the  religious  differences 
between  the  Roman  and  Anglican  Churches  which 
every  one  knows,  but  that  there  was  any  personal 
prejudice  or  animosity  between  the  missionaries  of 
the  two    Churches   I   can   happily  most  unhesitatingly 


2o8  Resolute  Protestants  [1891 

deny.  The  whole  history  of  the  mission,  with  the 
exception  of  the  impulsive  overzeal  of  Pere  Lourdel, 
which  on  his  first  arrival  caused  him  for  a  moment 
to  forget  his  native  politeness,  is  a  proof  of  the 
kindly  dealings  on  all  matters,  save  of  religion, 
between  the  French  and  English  missionaries. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  up  to  this  time  the 
relative  strength  of  the  two  great  opposing  factions 
had  really  never  been  tested.  There  had  indeed  been 
rflore  than  the  semblance  of  a  general  movement 
upon  a  large  scale  in  the  preconcerted  attack 
already  mentioned,  the  invasion  of  Uganda  by 
Kamswaga  on  the  south,  and  the  concentration  of 
the  Uvuma  canoes  off  the  coast  of  Kyagwe,  as  well 
as  the  attack  on  the  island  by  the  French  faction, 
and  the  important  movement  in  Kyagwe.  Thus 
it  will  be  seen  that  only  the  courage  and  decision 
with  which  the  English  faction  met  the  ill-directed 
attack  saved  that  party  from  a  disastrous  defeat  ; 
since,  had  they  been  overwhelmed  before  the  arrival 
of  Lugard  and  Martin,  it  would  have  been  a  serious 
question  whether  the  Imperial  Company's  troops 
could  have  opposed  single-handed  the  victorious 
Roman  Catholics.  The  directors  of  the  French 
faction  had  certainly  laid  their  plans  with  skill.  They 
had  obtained  the  promise  of  assistance  from  two 
powerful  outside  quarters — Koki  and  Uvuma ;  and 
had  those  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  their 
scheme  only  acted  with  determination  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  French  faction   would  have  been   able 


1891]  Failure  of  a  Scheme  209 

to  dictate  pretty  much  what  terms  they  pleased — 
terms,  I  have  little  doubt,  that  would  have  given 
all  the  important  posts  to  Roman  Catholics,  who 
would  have  taken  care  that  only  Roman  Catholic 
teaching  would  be  encouraged  in  their  governments. 

But  the  scheme  had  failed.  Kamswaga  was  driven 
back.  The  island  of  Kaganda  had  been  stoutly 
held,  and  the  timely  arrival  of  Martin  with  seven 
hundred  Zanzibaris  had  quashed  the  trouble  in 
Kyagwe.  Now,  it  may  be  asked,  why,  if  the  French 
faction  were  worsted  before  Lugard's  arrival,  did 
the  directors  of  it  desire  to  force  on  a  war  at  a  time 
when  their  enemies  were  so  greatly  strengthened  ? 
The  answer  is  very  plain  and  perfectly  clear.  First, 
the  king  had  shown  unmistakable  signs  of  a  desire 
to  go  over  to  the  Protestant  party.  They  therefore 
must  force  that  party  into  taking  up  arms  against 
him  when  they  would  pose  as  his  defenders  and  as 
the  patriotic  upholders  of  Uganda  against  rebels 
encouraged  by  the  English  foreigners.  Secondly, 
the  directors  of  the  French  faction  were  well  aware 
that  the  representatives  of  the  Company  were  under 
orders  to  withdraw,  and  if  they  could  weaken  the 
Protestant  faction  before  that  event  happened  they 
would  have  the  whole  country  in  their  hand§.  Thirdly, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  they  hoped  the  Company 
would  hold  aloof  from  actual  fighting  ;  but  even  if 
the  Company  should  fight  they  had  every  confidence 
that  they  might  hold  their  own.  A  sudden  coup 
might  win  them  the  game,  and  give  them  Kampala 
Fort,  and   the  whole   stock    of  ammunition   and   rifles  ; 

14 


2  10  An  impregnable  Island  [1891 

but  even  should  the  worst  come  to  the  worst,  and  they 
should  meet  with  defeat  at  the  outset,  they  might  take 
to  the  islands,  especially  Bulinguge,  which  they  believed 
impregnable,  and  where  formerly  Mwanga  had  held  his 
court  when  Kalema  actually  possessed  his  capital. 
Here  they  would  be  safe  from  attack.  They  were  strong 
in  Kyagwe,  and  they  owned  nearly  all  the  canoes  ;  their 
Bavuma  allies  would  help  them  ;  while  the  Muhamme- 
dans,  hearing  of  the  fight,  would  most  likely  swoop 
down  on  Mengo.  There  would  doubtless  be  a  desperate 
battle  with  them,  in  which  the  Muhammedans  would 
probably  be  worsted.  But  the  Protestant  English 
would  be  greatly  weakened  and  their  ammunition 
spent,  and  they  might  then  be  attacked.  At  any  rate, 
a  few  months  must  see  the  end  of  the  Company's 
occupation,  when  they  would  be  free  to  come  forth 
from  their  island  and  reoccupy  Uganda,  and  set  up  the 
fair  Catholic  kingdom  by  the  Lake.  Thus  it  will  be 
seen  that  war  was  the  easiest  way  out  of  their  difficulties ; 
they  had  much  to  gain  by  it  even  if  temporarily 
defeated.  Therefore,  in  view  of  the  coming  struggle, 
the  king,  and  I  believe  the  French  missionaries, 
removed  a  large  amount  of  their  property  to  the 
islands. 

The  English  party  had  thrown  in  their  lot  with  the 
Company.  They  had  hailed  them  eagerly  on  their 
arrival  as  co-religionists,  as  the  fellow-countrymen  of 
their  teachers,  and  as  friends.  Their  effusiveness,  how- 
ever, had  been  met  with  extreme  coldness  by  the 
Englishman  whom  they  had  loyally  welcomed,  faith- 
fully protected,  and  generously  supported. 


1 891]  Uncertainty  as  to  Withdrawal  2 1 1 

Lugard,  since  he  had  already  taken  the  bull  by  the 
horns  in  his  crossing  the  Nile,  might  well  liave  insisted 
on  the  hoisting  of  the  Company's  flag  as  a  purely 
political  act.  It  would  have  been  a  bold  stroke,  but 
not  bolder  than  his  dash  across  the  Nile  and  march  to 
Mengo.  It  would  have  been  in  one  sense  indefensible, 
but  not  more  so  than  what  he  had  already  done.  It 
was  indeed  the  only  logical  outcome  of  his  previous 
action.  He  gave  the  flag  to  the  king's  chief  minister 
and  to  the  chief  of  Budu.  Was  not  this  really  forcing 
it  upon  the  King  } 

The  other  party,  on  the  other  hand,  had  opposed 
Captain  Lugard  bitterly,  had  scouted  the  idea  of  an 
English  protectorate  as  represented  by  the  Company's 
occupation,  and  with  great  ceremony  had,  subsequent  to 
the  arrival  of  the  English  officers,  hoisted  Mwanga's 
own  flag.  P'or  this  the  priests  were  directly  responsible. 
Thus  the  war  against  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company  was  a  deliberate  act  of  policy,  and  one  which, 
though  it  is  deeply  to  be  regretted,  may  certainly  be 
defended  from  the  priests'  point  of  view.  Had  the 
English  Government  said,  "  We  will  occupy  Uganda, 
and  be  responsible  for  good  government,"  or  had  they 
even  said,  "  We  will  guarantee  the  permanency  of 
the  Enghsh  occupation  by  the  Company  and  religious 
toleration  in  Uganda,"  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
the  French  fathers  would  have  forced  the  issue  to 
fighting.  However  that  may  have  been,  they  had 
little  to  lose  by  fighting,  and  might  have  gained 
everything,  and  as  it  actually  turned  out  they  gained 
quite  as  much  as  they  lost. 


2  12  A  Match  to  the  Powder  [1892 

The  position  in  the  beginning  of  January  1892 
was  as  follows  : — 

Captain  Lugard's  repeated  assurances  of  religious 
neutrality  appear  to  have  led  the  Roman  Catholics  to 
believe  that  in  case  of  their  attacking  the  Protestants 
he  would  not  interfere,  but  would  leave  the  two 
factions  to  fight  it  out  among  themselves. 

While  things  were  in  this  state  a  system  of  gun 
snatching  was  set  on  foot  between  the  retainers  of  the 
great  chiefs  on  either  side.  This  had  been  preceded  by 
interminable  quarrels  as  to  country  gardens,  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  had  in  one  or  two  instances  led  to 
severe  fighting.  But  the  stealing  of  a  gun  by  a  French 
partisan  and  the  consequent  shooting  of  a  Protestant 
set  a  light  to  the  mass  of  inflammable  material  in 
Uganda,  which  resulted  in  the  deplorable  war  between 
the  two  factions,  the  French  and  English,  an  account 
of  which  I  must  give  in  the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER    VIII 
THE  BATTLE   OF  MEN  GO 


A  scornful  Challenge — Empty  Excuses — Insolence  of  Kauta — 
Ill-timed  Levity — The  King's  Decision — Dualla  as  Go-between 
— Rival  Claims — Open  Defiance — Alternatives — A  middling 
Course — The  King's  Request — "  Giuanga  /  Gzvanga  /  muje  '' — 
Rible  Reading  under  Difficulties — A  doubtful  Asylum — A  clever 
Move — An  African  Ruse — The  Four  Hills — Christian  Churches 
— Precursors  of  the  Storm — Semberds  Death — Kagivds  Strategy 
— A  masterly  Retreat — Hoisting  the  Company's  Flag — A  fearful 
Predicatnen  t — Battle-field  Vultures. 


1892] 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE  BATTLE   OF  MENGO 

THINGS  were  in  such  a  strained  condition  that  the 
members  of  the  hostile  factions  considered  it  to 
be  their  devoir  to  secure  in  any  manner  possible  the 
guns  of  those  of  the  opposite  factions.  It  is  not 
altogether  easy  to  say  how  this  gun  snatching 
originated,  since  each  party  would  doubtless  lay  the 
blame  of  it  upon  the  other  ;  but  eventually  a  case  was 
brought  before  Apolo  Kagwa,  the  Prime  Minister,  by  a 
French  adherent,  who  accused  one  of  the  English  party 
of  having  stolen  his  gun.  The  English  chief  adjourned 
the  case,  and  the  complainant,  feeling  that  justice  was 
being  purposely  delayed,  determined  to  secure  by  a 
ruse  a  gun  belonging  to  the  opposite  faction  in  lieu  of 
that  which  he  had  lost.  He  therefore  seated  himself 
outside  the  enclosure  of  a  sub-chief  named  Mugoloba, 
who  was  a  party  to  the  plot,  and  pretended  to  be 
selling  a  gourd  full  of  Mwenge  (banana  cider),  and  in  a 
little  while,  when  a  man  of  the  English  faction  with  his 
gun  passed  by  with  one  or  two  of  his  friends  he  invited 
him  to   buy  the   cider.      The  unsuspecting  buyer    put 


2i6  A  Scornful  Challenge  [1892 

his  gun  down  in  order  to  taste  the  h'quor,  when  the 
pretended  salesman  immediately  snatched  it  up  and 
rushed  inside  the  enclosure.  Mugoloba  was  ready 
inside  with  a  loaded  gun.  The  man  whose  gun  was 
stolen,  followed  by  some  of  his  companions,  pursued 
the  thief  into  the  enclosure,  but  directly  they  entered 
the  second  gateway  Mugoloba  shot  the  foremost  of 
the  pursuers  dead.  The  companion  of  the  murdered 
man  then  fired  his  gun,  and  turned  and  made  his  escape. 
This  incident  took  place  on  Friday,  January  22nd. 

The  two  men  who  had  entered  Mugoloba's  en- 
closure, and  of  whom  one  had  been  murdered,  were 
retainers  of  a  chief  named  Mudima.  Mudima,  on 
hearing  what  had  happened,  went  at  once  to  the 
Katikiro  Kagwa,  who  sent  forthwith  to  Kampala  to 
tell  Captain  Lugard  of  the  outrage.  The  body  of  the 
murdered  man  lay  where  it  had  fallen,  and  the  excite- 
ment grew  intense,  the  French  faction  scornfully 
challenging  their  rivals  to  come  and  take  away  their 
dead. 

Lugard,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  fatal  fracas,  at 
once  saw  that  it  might  mean  a  general  outburst,  and 
lost  not  a  moment  in  hastening  to  the  king.  It  is 
impossible  to  speak  too  highly  of  Lugard's  earnest 
desire  for  peace,  or  of  his  patience  and  forbearance 
under  the  most  trying  circumstances  ;  and  I  feel  sure 
that  had  peace  been  possible  no  man  that  has  ever 
entered  Uganda  was  more  fitted  to  secure  it.  He  may, 
indeed,  be  criticised  for  having  been  too  undecided,  and 
for  not  having  sooner  seen  what  must  be  the  inevitable 
outcome  of  the  political  troubles. 


1892]  E^npty  Excuses  217 

He  had  hitherto  retained  firm  faith  in  his  Roman 
Catholic  friends,  which,  however,  was  shortly  to 
receive  a  somewhat  severe  shock,  for  as  soon  as  he 
reached  Mengo  he  was  received  with  studied  dis- 
respect. 

First  of  all,  he  was  kept  waiting  outside  the  king's 
enclosure  in  the  broiling  sun.  Then  the  Kimbugwe 
came  out  to  see  him.  This  Kimbugwe  was  the  ablest 
and  cleverest  chief  of  the  French  faction — a  man  entirely 
and  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  French  fathers.  He  had 
been  educated  at  their  mission  near  Taborah,  and  was 
the  greatest  chief  in  the  country  after  Kagwa  the  Prime 
Minister.  He  afterwards  became  the  cause  of  a  serious 
misunderstanding  between  Captain  Lugard  and  his 
Protestant  allies.  Kimbugwe  told  Lugard  that  the  king 
was  dressing. 

Presently  another  of  Lugard's  friends,  also  a 
Roman  Catholic  chief,  came  and  saluted  him  ;  this 
was  the  Kauta  (Chief  Baker).  He  had  professed  the 
warmest  friendship  for  Lugard,  and  appears  to  have 
been  alienated  from  the  Company  in  the  matter  of  the 
scheme  for  deposing  Mwanga,  and  making  one  of 
Kalema's  boys  king.  Lugard  asked  him  reproachfully 
why  he  never  came  to  see  him  ;  formerly  they  had 
been  on  terms  of  greatest  friendship.  Kauta  excused 
himself  by  saying  his  leg  pained  him,  and  to  prove  this 
he  pointed  to  a  pimple  on  his  shin  !  Lugard  now  said 
he  must  see  the  king  ;  but  Kauta,  not  careful  to  make 
his  excuse  tally  with  Kimbugwe's,  said  that  the  king 
could  not  be  found. 

The  king  was  really,  of  course,   merely  trying  how 


2 1 8  Ill-timed  Levity  1 1892 

far  the  Englishman's  patience  would  last.  After 
waiting  a  considerable  time  longer  Lugard  sent  Dualla, 
his  Somal  interpreter,  to  tell  the  chiefs  or  gate-keepers 
that  his  master  was  going,  and  on  receipt  of  this 
message  Lugard  was  at  once  ushered  into  the  king's 
presence.  Mwanga  received  Lugard  politely  ;  and  the 
Englishman's  first  demand,  when  the  subject  of  the 
fatal  incident  was  broached,  was  that  the  body  of  the 
murdered  man  should  be  given  to  his  friends  for 
burial.  The  king  at  once  gave  an  order  that  the  body 
should  be  removed  and  buried.  After  some  further 
talk  the  king  said  the  case  should  be  at  once  dealt 
with,  and  that  the  witnesses  should  now  be  called. 
Lugard,  overpowered  with  the  fierce  sun  in  which  he 
had  been  left  to  wait,  and  overcome  by  the  heat  of  the 
house  in  which  the  king  received  him,  was  now  kept 
indefinitely  waiting  for  the  witnesses,  the  king  and  the 
French  chiefs  giggling  and  laughing  the  while,  and  no 
doubt  acting  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  it  unmis- 
takable that  the  stranger  Englishman  was  the  subject 
of  their  ill-timed  levity.  I,  myself,  have  not  unfrequently 
been  placed  in  a  somewhat  similar  situation,  and  can 
thoroughly  understand  how  great  the  annoyance  of 
Lugard  must  have  been  under  the  circumstances.  At 
last  he  got  up  saying  he  felt  unwell,  and  that  he  would 
leave  Dualla  to  hear  the  evidence.  The  king  bade  him 
a  courteous  farewell,  and  promised  that  the  important 
chief  Kimbugwe  should  come  himself  and  tell  Lugard 
the  result  of  the  trial. 

When  the  witnesses  at  last  came   the  story  was  told 
pretty    much    as    I    have    related    it  ;  but    the    whole 


1892]  The  King  s  Decision  219 

question  was  made  to  hinge  upon  the  legal  right  of 
a  man  to  enter  the  enclosure  of  another.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  forcible  entry  of  an  enclosure  at  night 
would  give  the  occupier  the  absolute  right  of  killing  a 
person  so  entering.  But  the  question  of  the  illegality 
of  entering  by  day  under  the  particular  circumstances — 
namely,  in  the  pursuit  of  a  thief — is  one  which  it  may 
be  imagined  ought  not  to  have  the  same  answer  ;  but 
though  it  is  possible  Uganda  law  might  justify  such 
an  act,  I  understood  from  those  of  whom  I  carefully 
inquired  that  Mugoloba  acted  contrary  to  Uganda 
custom  and  law  in  shooting  the  Protestant.  The  king, 
however,  unhesitatingly  pronounced  judgment,  saying 
that  the  homicide  was  justifiable,  since  the  slain  man 
had  entered  by  force  another  person's  enclosure. 

On  hearing  the  decision  Dualla  remonstrated,  and 
informed  the  king  that  Lugard  would  most  strongly 
disapprove  of  it.  The  king  replied  that  the  decision 
was  final,  and  could  not  be  altered  at  Lugard's  desire, 
Dualla  then  left. 

The  Protestants  ably  represented  their  case,  and 
strenuously  pleaded  that  the  murderer  should  be  given 
up.  They  themselves,  in  a  similar  case,  had  given  up 
to  their  rivals  a  man  named  Omusamba,  and  also  a 
man  of  the  door-maker  Mulamba's,  who,  it  is  stated, 
was  put  to  death  by  the  French  faction.  At  any  rate, 
the  man  was  given  up. 

The  understanding  between  the  factions  most  clearly 
had  been  that  the  slayer  of  one  of  the  opposite  party 
should  not  be  concealed  or  protected,  and  in  carrying 
out  this  agreement  two  of  the  English  party  had  already 


2  20  Dtialla  as  Go-between  [1892 

been  given  up,  while  a  considerable  fine  had  also 
been  paid.  The  question  with  them  was  not  one  of 
abstract  Uganda  law — though  in  this  they  seem  to 
have  been  in  the  right — but  of  the  French  party's 
keeping  to  an  agreement  which  their  rivals  had  loyally 
observed. 

The  king,  however,  remained  obdurate,  and  refused 
to  reverse  his  judgment  or  keep  the  agreement,  and 
the  baffled  English  leaders  returned  to  discuss  the  next 
step. 

Meanwhile  Dualla  had  made  his  way  back  to  Lugard 
and  reported  the  king's  decision,  but  Kimbugwe  did 
not  appear,  as  the  king  had  promised.  Dualla  informed 
Lugard  of  how  the  king  and  French  chiefs  had  laughed 
over  his  discomfiture.  Lugard  felt  that  no  good  purpose 
could  be  served  by  his  returning  to  the  king,  so  he 
wrote  to  Mwanga,  sending  his  letter  by  Dualla,  saying 
he  greatly  disapproved  of  the  king's  decision.  Dualla 
had  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  an  audience,  but  even- 
tually the  letter  was  read  ;  but  the  king  persisted  in 
his  first  decision.  Three  of  the  "  French  "  chiefs  were 
present,  the  Mujasi,  Musalosalo,  and  the  Kauta.  These 
added  the  most  insolent  remarks,  and  finally  concluded 
by  saying  they  would  sack  Kampalla  Fort  and  massacre 
all  its  European  defenders.  Their  manner  was  exulting 
and  jubilant,  and  they  evidently  felt  able  to  carry  out 
their  arrogant  threats,  since  it  appears  that  the  Maxim 
guns  had  become  discredited,  for  they  had  proved  of 
little  value  in  the  late  expedition  against  the  Muham- 
medans,  and  were  subsequently,  as  we  shall  see,  used 
with   the   very   greatest    moral    effect.      At    any    rate. 


1892]  Rival  Claims  221 

Dualla's  account  of  his  interview  clearly  showed  Lugard' 
that  the  French  party  meant  fighting.  Lugard  seems 
to  have  left  no  stone  unturned  in  his  efforts  for  peace. 
Nor  in  this  serious  emergency  did  he  neglect  to  seek 
the  assistance  of  Monseigneur  Hirth,  the  French  bishop. 
The  bishop  was  the  only  person  in  the  country  indeed 
whose  fiat  could  have  averted  war. 

Lugard's  letter  to  the  bishop  demands  attention,  as 
it  is  a  document  which  sets  forth  what  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Imperial  Company  held  the  position  of 
the  Company  to  be  in  Uganda.  Speaking  in  this 
letter  to  the  bishop  of  the  murder  of  the  Protestant  he 
says  :  **  I  myself  told  the  king  that  the  murderer  must 
be  punished.  Unless  the  leading  Roman  Catholics 
consent  to  justice  being  done  in  these  matters  the  situ- 
ation becomes  impossible,  as  they  have  defied  my 
authority."  Now  here  it  will  be  seen  that  he  boldly 
claims  an  authority  greater  than  that  of  the  king  and 
Roman  Catholic  chiefs.  In  other  words,  he  claimed 
an  authority  equal,  if  not  greater,  than  that  wielded  by 
the  French  bishop  himself.  He  assumes,  that  is  to  say, 
the  very  point  which  was  the  true  cause  of  contention 
between  the  French  mission  and  the  English  Company. 
An  appeal  for  help  under  such  conditions  could  only 
have  one  reply. 

Besides  the  general  reasons  already  stated  which 
make  it  unmistakably  clear  that  the  French  faction 
had  decided  on  war,  and  had  determined,  at  all  costs,  to 
force  it  on,  it  may  be  noted  that  towards  the  end 
the  nominal  heads  of  the  French  faction  refused  to 
discuss  the  question  with  Captain   Lugard,  and,  as  we 


22  2  Open  Defiance  [1892 

have  seen,  hurled  open  defiances  against  the  English 
Company  in  the  most  insulting  terms.  Yet  in  spite  of 
this,  Captain  Lugard  appears  to  have  laboured  under  a 
confused  impression  that,  somehow  or  other,  the  war 
might  have  been  avoided.  He  writes  (p.  337  of  his 
book)  :  "  Nevertheless,  at  the  last  moment,  I  am  con- 
vinced, hostilities  would  have  been  avoided  had  not  a 
spark  led  to  a  general  engagement  when  already  a 
modus  vivendi  had  been  almost  arrived  at."  Yet  nowhere 
does  he  give  any  indication  of  what  the  modus  vivendi 
was  to  be,  or  how,  or  with  whom,  it  had  been  almost 
arranged,  while  on  the  preceding  page  (336)  he  writes  : 
"  I  gathered  that  the  French  party  had  definitely 
determined  to  fight,  and  had  made  all  their  prepara- 
tions, and  it  mattered  little  what  attitude  I  took." 
And  a  few  lines  lower  down  he  acknowledges  that  the 
situation  he  had  to  deal  with  was  quite  apart  from  any 
tension  created  by  any  single  petty  incident. 

Things  had  now  come  to  such  a  pass  that  a  fight 
was  imminent,  and  a  fight  which  the  Company  could 
not  look  upon  with  indifference,  since  the  object  of  the 
attacking  party  was  to  overthrow  English  influence  in 
Uganda.  The  case  was  full  of  difficulties ;  but  the 
time  for  strong  and  decisive  action  had  at  last  come. 
But  Captain  Lugard  seems  to  have  shrunk  from  the 
bold  course  of  sending  Mwanga  an  ultimatum  de- 
manding instant  satisfaction  for  the  insults  to  himself, 
thus  avoiding  any  question  of  internal  Uganda  politics. 
This  might  possibly  have  brought  Mwanga  to  his 
knees ;  but  if  Mwanga  chose  to  fight  the  question 
would    have    been    fought    upon    a    very    clear    issue. 


1892]  A  Middling  Course  223 

Again  Lugard  might  have  made  a  distinct  and  open 
alHance   with    the  "  English  "  party,  demanding    such 
conditions  as  would  have  left  him  free  to  administer 
the  country  in  a  large  and   liberal  spirit  regarding  the 
opposing  political  factions.      This  would  simply   have 
been   carrying  out  his  instructions  to  consolidate    the 
Protestant  party.      But  Lugard,  unhappily,  as   I   think, 
chose  a  middle  and  more  timid   course.      Secretly,  and 
by   night,   the   night   of    the    22nd,   he    issued    to    his 
supporters   of   the    English    party    forty    old    muzzle- 
loading    guns    and    five    pounds    of    gunpowder,  thus 
giving  colour  to  the  accusation   that  in  secret  he  was 
supporting  the  Protestant  cause,  while  openly  professing 
to  be  neutral  ;  while  the  shabby  amount  of  powder  and 
the    poor   class    of   gun    distributed    cannot   but  have 
struck  the  loyal  "  English  "  leaders  as  a  very  grudging 
acknowledgment  of  their  support,  and  as  a  miserly  and 
poverty-stricken  contribution  from   the  military  stores 
of  Kampalla  to  the  common  cause.      Though  the  dis- 
tribution was  made  at  night,  the  Kimbugwe  (MugwanyaJ, 
the  leader  of  the  French  faction,  had  his  spies  about, 
and  this  was  met  by  a  counter  stroke  by  the  king,  who 
sent  to  the  island   of  Bulinguge  for  a    supply  of  gun- 
powder.      Bulinguge,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the 
island  fastness  which  he  had   formerly  defended  when 
the  powerful  Muhammedan  faction  under  Kalema  had 
held    Mengo.      Some    time    previous    to    this    he    had 
removed  the  bulk  of  his   possessions   to   Bulinguge  in 
view  of  the  coming  fight.      The  same  day,  Friday,  the 
22nd,   he  sent  a  long  letter  to  Lugard   written    in  a 
haughty  and  uncompromising  style,  but,  strange  to  say, 


2  24  "  Gwanga  !  Gwanga  !  Muje  "  [1892 

ending  up  with  an  abject  prayer  that  the  Captain  would 
give  him  time  to  tie  up  his  goods  and  run  away, 
clearly  showing  what  his  intention  was — an  intention, 
which,  at  all  hazards,  Lugard  should  have  prevented 
him  from  carrying  out.  Lugard  replied  by  simply 
affirming  that  it  was  his  (Lugard's)  duty  to  see  justice 
done,  and  warning  the  king  that  if  war  should  arise 
the  responsibility  would  rest  with  him. 

Saturday,  the  23rd,  was  an  anxious  day.  Reports  of 
all  kinds  were  rife,  but  in  the  evening  a  letter  reached 
Kampala  Fort,  saying  that  the  French  faction  meant  to 
give  up  the  idea  of  making  their  threatened  attack  ; 
but  almost  simultaneously  the  war  drums  boomed  out 
their  call  to  gather  for  the  battle — "  Gwanga  !  gwanga  ! 
muje  ju  Junju!  "  ("Nation!  nation!  come  for  Junju!"*),  a 
dismal  comment  upon  the  peaceable  tone  of  the  letter. 

Next  day,  Sunday,  the  24th,  the  whole  of  Mengo  was 
in  a  state  of  the  greatest  excitement.  All  felt  that  the 
day  of  battle  had  come  which  was  to  decide  the  fate 
of  the  English  Company  and  the  Protestant  faction. 
Captain  Lugard  now  seeing  that  the  "  French  "  faction 
were  collecting  in  large  masses,  issued  three  hundred 
muzzle-loading  guns  with  ammunition,  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Sniders  to  the  chiefs  of  the  English  faction 
who  were  his  own  supporters.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  Lugard  had  received  an  official  intimation  on  the 
part  of  the  king  and  French  faction  of  their  intention  to 
sack  Kampala  Fort,  and  therefore  his  arming  the  party 
loyal  to  himself  was  an  act  necessary  for  the  safe- 
guarding of  English  interests.  It  would  have  been  an 
*  Junju  was  a  former  celebrated  warrior  king. 


1 892]         Bible  Reading  under  Difficulties         225 

absurdity  to  leave  the  two  parties  to  fight  the  quarrel 
out  by  themselves  when  that  quarrel  was,  to  a  large 
extent,  the  question  of  an  English  protectorate.  That 
he  was  tempted  to  do  this  would  appear  from  his  own 
account  and  that  of  the  English  missionaries.  For 
he  still  seemed  to  cling  to  the  assurances  of  their  loyalty 
to  himself  expressed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  "  French  " 
faction — those  very  chiefs  who,  he  tells  us,  were  a 
parcel  of  liars,  par  excellence,  and  by  whom  their 
missionaries  were  continually  duped. 

All  public  religious  services  were  out  of  the  question. 
The  English  missionary,  Roscoe,  however,  collected  a 
few  of  the  more  earnest  converts,  notably  Sembera — 
whose  Christian  name  was  Mackay — and  began  to  have 
a  Bible  reading  with  them.  Suddenly  they  were  dis- 
turbed by  hearing  shots  fired.  These  arose  from  the 
action  of  the  Chief  Cook  Kauta,  who  had  so  grievously 
insulted  Captain  Lugard  on  the  Friday  previously,  and 
whom  Captain  Lugard  demanded  to  be  sent  into  the  fort 
as  a  prisoner,  as  well  as  Muguloba,  the  man  who  had  killed 
the  Protestant  the  same  day.  Kauta,  seeing  that  he  was 
personally  involved  in  the  trouble,  found  it  convenient 
to  precipitate  matters,  and  was  the  most  eager  of  all  to 
begin  the  fray.  His  faction  no  doubt  had  given  permis- 
sion for  what  followed,  which  was  a  deliberate  attack  on 
the  young  chief  Kibare.* 

This  attack  happened  at  about  1 1  A.M.,  and  resulted 
in  the  shooting  of  one  of  Kibare's  men.      The  wounded 

*  In  case  the  king  should  leave  his  capital  for  any  reason, 
Kibare  is  the  Regent  during  his  absence,  and  Kibare's  enclosure 
is  next  to  the  Kauta,  or  Chief  Cook,  or  Baker. 

15 


2  26  A  Clever  Move  [1892 

man  was  taken  at  once  to  Kampala.  The  English 
party  here  showed  great  forbearance  ;  but  so  strongly- 
had  Lugard  impressed  upon  them  that  they  should  not 
precipitate  fighting  by  any  rash  action,  that  though 
they  had  the  strongest  provocation,  and  had  arms  in 
their  hands,  they  took  no  action  as  yet  in  vindicating 
their  rights  or  seeking  to  avenge  their  wrongs. 

Meanwhile  Lugard  had  thoughtfully  sent  to  both 
French  and  English  missions  to  offer  the  missionaries 
a  temporary  asylum  at  the  Company's  fort.  The 
missionaries,  however,  in  each  case  seemed  to  show 
very  little  eagerness  to  avail  themselves  of  the  proffered 
protection.  The  English  missionaries,  when  Lugard 
sent  forty  porters  to  carry  their  goods,  did  eventually 
consent  to  go  up  to  Kampala.  The  French  priests, 
however,  refused  to  leave  their  own  brick  fort,  but 
asked  for  a  guard  of  soldiers  to  protect  them  at  their 
own  place. 

This  was  one  of  the  cleverest  moves  in  the  whole 
game.  If  Lugard  refused  they  had  a  specious  grievance. 
It  might  well  be  urged  that  the  first  object  of  the 
Company  should  have  been  to  protect  life  and  property, 
and  that  the  request  for  a  guard  under  the  circum- 
stances was  reasonable.  But  Rubaga  was  the  very 
place  where  the  hostile  force  was  concentrated  (and 
would  be  the  first  point  of  attack  by  the  English  party), 
that  hostile  force  whose  leaders  had  just  threatened  to 
sack  Kampala  ;  but  if  Sudanese  soldiers  were  in 
Rubaga,  the  English  faction,  in  attacking  this  salient 
point  of  the  enemy's  position,  would,  in  effect,  be 
opposing  themselves  to  the  Company's  soldiers.     And 


1 892 J  An  African  Ruse  227 

this  clever  expedient  would  result  in  a  conflict  between 
the  Company's  troops  and  the  English  party,  or,  at 
any  rate,  would  involve  a  frightful  risk  of  such  a 
contingency.  Lugard  has  not  referred  to  this  in  his 
account  ;  he  has,  indeed,  given  other  reasons  for  his 
action  ;  but  this,  in  my  mind,  fully  justified  him  in 
refusing  to  put  his  own  troops  at  the  mercy  of  the 
enemy,  or  in  such  a  position  that  they  might  have  to 
fire  upon  the  leaders'  own  allies. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  many  things  occupied 
Lugard's  mind — the  negotiations  with  the  king  con- 
cerning Friday's  outrage  and  the  insults  to  himself; 
the  safety  of  the  two  sets  of  European  missionaries; 
both  French  and  English,  when  this  new  difficulty 
arose  in  the  incident  related  above  of  the  shooting 
of  Kibare's  man.  Messengers  had  been  continually 
coming  and  going  between  Lugard  and  the  king. 
Lugard  now  sent  off  to  demand  that  the  man  who 
had  wounded  Kibare's  follower  should  also  be  given 
up.  On  this  the  king's  party  adopted  a  common 
African  ruse  ;  they  seized  and  tied  up  a  poor  peasant, 
and  presently  the  messengers  arrived,  bringing  a  man 
bound  hand  and  foot,  whom  they  asserted  to  be  the 
culprit.  This  unhappy  man  had  in  no  way  been 
concerned  in  the  outrage,  and  piteously  pleaded  his 
innocence,  and  the  wounded  men  and  other  witnesses 
bore  out  his  statements.  Lugard,  however,  considered 
the  sending  of  any  prisoner  as  a  sign  of  yielding  on 
the  part  of  the  king's  party,  and  sent  down  to  say  that 
the  original  culprit  need  only  be  given  up. 

There   were   four  chief  points   in    the   capital   where 


228  The  Four  Hills  [1892 

the  hostile  factions  were  now  massed,  each  of  them  a 
well-known    hill — first,   Kampala,  on  which   stood  the 
Company's     fort,    where    all    the    Englishmen    in    the 
country    were     collected  ;     second,     the    low     hill     of 
Mengo,  on  which  Mwanga's  enclosure  was  built,  which 
was    distant   about    a   mile    from    Kampala ;    between 
Mengo   and    Kampala  was  the  Kimbagwe's  enclosure 
and   those  of  several   other  chiefs  ;    a  broad  road   ran 
past    Kampala    to    Mengo,  each  side    of   which  were 
the   banana    plantations   belonging   to    various   chiefs  ; 
third,    Rubaga    Hill,    opposite    Kampala    and    distant 
about  two   miles,  but  between    Kampala   and    Rubaga 
rose  the  lower  slope  of    Namirembe,  or  Market   Hill, 
conspicuous  by  the  great  tree  which  overshadowed  the 
market-place.       Rubaga  was   crowned    by  the  French 
fort  and  partially  completed  church — the  latter  a  great 
reed-built     structure,    which     might     have    held     from 
2,500    to    3,000    people  closely  packed  ;    and    lastly, 
there  was  the  lofty  hill  of  Namirembe,  crowned  by  the 
new     Protestant     church,     also     nearing     completion. 
Rubaga   was   distant    less    than    a   mile   from    Mengo. 
A  person   standing    on    Mengo,  the    king's    hill,    and 
looking  north,  would  face  the   wide   road   leading   up 
to    the    market    about   a    mile  distant,  and  would  see 
Kampala  to  the  east  of  the   market,   and   Rubaga  to 
the     west,     whilst     the     new     Protestant     church     on 
Namirembe   rose  up  behind   the  market-place  a  little 
to   the   right.     The    English    mission    was   behind    the 
market-place  at  the  base  of  Namirembe  to  the  left. 

At  these   four  points,  then,  the   contending   parties 
were    massed.       Messengers,    as    we    have    seen,   were 


1892]  Precursors  of  the  Storm  229 

coming  and  going  between  the  king  and  the  fort,  when 
an  incident  occurred  which  precipitated  the  fight. 
The  forcible  entry  of  Kibare's  place  and  the  shooting 
of  the  "  English  adherent "  not  having  resulted  in 
reprisals,  the  French  faction  now  attacked  the  Kati- 
kiro's  people  (the  Katikiro  was  chief  of  the  English 
faction),  and  forcibly  seized  some  clothes  which  they 
were  carrying.  In  doing  this  they  fired  a  gun  ;  the 
Katikiro's  men  replied,  firing  two  guns.  Just  as  things, 
in  Lugard's  opinion,  seemed  to  be  assuming  a  more 
hopeful  aspect,  and  while  Captain  Williams  was  telling 
one  of  the  English  missionaries  that  there  would  be 
no  fight,  these  three  shots,  precursors  of  the  coming 
storm,  broke  the  stillness.  The  two  shots  fired  by 
the  Katikiro's  men  were  at  once  replied  to  by  a  volley 
from  the  French  side,  and  in  another  moment  the  whole 
of  Mengo  became  a  battlefield.  The  main  strength  of 
the  English  faction  was  posted  on  Namirembe.  All 
their  best  fighting  men  were  there  except  the  Katikiro, 
who,  with  a  very  small  following,  had  to  bear  the 
brunt  of  the  attack  of  the  force,  occupying  Mengo, 
where  the  chief  strength  of  the  French  faction  was 
posted,  strongly  supported  in  their  rear  by  a  mass  of 
men  stationed  on  Rubaga.  Part  of  the  English  force 
now  descended  the  broad  road  towards  Mengo  to 
support  the  Katikiro,  while  the  main  body  made 
straight  for  Rubaga.  The  party,  however,  who  had 
gone  to  assist  the  Katikiro  met  with  a  stubborn  resist- 
ance from  the  chiefs  whose  places  lined  the  broad  road — 
namely,  the  Kangao,  Musoloza,  and  others.  Musoloza, 
an    important    French  chief,  however,   was   killed,  and 


230  Semberd s  Death  [1892 

the    French    faction    at  this    point    driven    back  ;    but 
before  this  happened   the   English  party  had   lost   one 
of  their  best  and  bravest    adherents,   Sembera,  called 
Mackay,  after  his   friend   and  teacher.      Sembera,  with 
a  small  following,  was  endeavouring  to   make  a  detour 
and   attack  the  enemy  on    their   flank,    but   was    shot 
by    some    of    them     lurking     in    Musoloza's    banana 
plantation.      Sembera    fired    his    rifle    and    then    sank 
to  the  ground,  mortally  wounded.      He  bade  his  boys 
carry   him    to    the    side    of   the    path,   and    then    told 
them    to     leave    him    and    go    to    the    help   of    their 
fellows,  since  every  gun  was  needed  in  the  fray.      They 
pulled    down    some   banana   leaves    and    covered    him, 
and  leaving  this  simple  saint  and  hero,  they  followed 
the   main   body,  who  were   near   the   top   of   Rubaga. 
Here  the  French  fathers  were  gathered  wathin   the  fort, 
while  their  adherents  defended  the  approaches.      But 
it  appears  that  the  French  party,  seeing  that  the  chief 
point  of  battle  would  be   Mengo   Hill   and    Kampala, 
had    quickly   concentrated    the    greater    part    of    their 
force     there,    leaving    Rubaga     comparatively    weakly 
defended.       This    was    a    fatal    error.       The    hill    was 
carried   in  a  few  minutes  by  the  English  faction,  and 
soon,  alas  !  the  grand   new  French  church  went  up  in 
flames. 

The  English  faction  were  now  on  three  sides  of 
Mengo.  Meanwhile,  the  small  English  force  under 
the  Katikiro  had  been  driven  back,  and  naturally  it 
was  the  policy  of  their  prudent  leader  to  put  Kampala 
Fort  between  the  enemy  and  himself,  especially  as 
Captain    Lugard   had   shown    signs   of   not    interfering 


1892]  A  Masterly  Retreat  231 

more  actively  than  by  arming  the  Protestant  faction. 
The  Katikiro's  retreat  was  followed  by  a  forward 
movement  of  the  French  partisans.  All  this  happened 
in  a  few  minutes,  and  soon  a  mass  of  French  adherents 
came  charging  down  from  Mengo,  as  Lugard  thought, 
to  attack  Kampala  Fort.  In  a  moment  he  had  swung 
the  Maxim  into  position,  and  opened  fire  upon  the 
advancing  mass.  The  rain  of  bullets  told  on  their 
ranks,  but  they  still  advanced.  Lugard,  shooting  at  a 
very  long  range,  now  moved  the  gun  so  as  to  cover 
an  open  space  over  which  the  advancing  body  must 
pass.  The  gun  was  well  aimed  and  steadily  handled. 
As  the  enemy  appeared  in  the  open  the  horrible  sound 
of  the  rapidly  fired  Maxim  rang  out,  and  a  hailstorm 
of  bullets  from  the  gun  played  for  a  few  moments  on 
the  deadly  spot.  The  moral  effect  of  the  gun  was 
instantaneous.  The  French  faction  broke,  and  fled  in 
all  directions.  Williams  was  now  sent  with  a  few 
Sudanese  in  the  direction  of  Mengo. 

Mwanga,  as  soon  as  the  fighting  began,  followed  the 
dictates  of  one  of  his  ruling  passions — namely,  that  of 
terror,  and  fled  towards  the  Nyanza.  As  soon  as  the 
Maxim  opened  fire  the  French  leaders — two  of  whom, 
Kimbugvve^and  Kauta,  were  slightly  wounded — drew 
off  their  following,  and,  under  the  courageous  young 
chief,  Mujasi,  executed  a  masterly  retreat  towards  the 
Lake — a  retreat  which  was  not  interfered  with  in  any 
way. 

As  soon  as  the  Company  had  taken  an  active  part 
in  the  fight  the  conduct  of  the  battle  lay  with  them. 
But  no  orders  of  any  kind  seem   to  have  been   issued 


232  Hoisting  the  Company's  Flag  [1892 

by  the  Company's  officer,  and  after  a  desultory  pursuit 
the  victorious  Engh"sh  faction  returned  to  Mengo  ; 
for  the  setting  of  the  sun  means  in  African  warfare 
the  cessation  of  hostilities.  Captain  Lugard  attempted 
no  pursuit,  and  apparently  ordered  none,  and  this  in 
spite  of  his  own  dictum,  which  he  has  laid  down 
referring  to  another  occasion.  He  writes  :  "  The  whole 
moral  effect  of  a  victory  lies  in  the  rout  and  in  the 
pursuit.  Where  this  has  been  neglected,  as  at  Macneil's 
Zeriba,  the  result  has  been  a  demoralisation  of  the 
victorious  side,  and  an  access  of  confidence  leading  to 
a  renewal  of  fighting  on  the  part  of  the  vanquished. 
The  use  of  arms  of  precision,  of  a  Maxim,  etc.,  and  a 
bold  pursuit,  are  the  main  factors  in  securing  a  moral 
effect ;  and  a  moral  effect  in  its  results  is  to  save  life 
by  putting  an  end  to  the  war."  Captain  Lugard's 
dictum  has  a  further  illustration  in  this  present  case, 
for  things  turned  out  precisely  as  stated.  The  enemy 
retreated  safely  with  the  king  to  the  small  and,  what 
they  considered,  impregnable  island  of  Bulinguge, 
where  they  gained  such  an  access  of  confidence  as  to 
lead  them  to  reject  scornfully  all  overtures  of  peace,  and 
to  prepare  for  further  fighting. 

However,  let  us  leave  the  enemy  to  retreat,  and 
return  to  Mengo.  Captain  Williams  and  his  Sudanese 
marched  up  to  Mwanga's  deserted  reed-built  palace  and 
hauled  down  the  king's  flag,  which,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, had  been  hoisted  with  great  ceremony  as  a  sign 
that  the  French  party  rejected  English  occupation,  and 
at  last  the  Company's  flag  floated  over  Mengo. 
Williams    then     marched    on    to    Rubaga,    where    the 


1892]  A  Fearful  Predicament  233 

French  priests  were  shut  up.  Their  bishop  has  most 
graphically  described  the  incidents  which  befell  them, 
and  of  the  valour  of  their  lads,  and  how,  as  the  French 
faction,  supplemented  by  the  little  band  of  boy  soldiers, 
under  Francis  Goge — a  Hausa  doctor — one  of  the 
mission  staff,  defended  the  fort  outside,  the  fathers  were 
administering  the  rites  of  their  religion  to  those  within. 
I  cannot  forbear  to.  quote  almost  verbatim  the  bishop's 
own  words.  "  Our  children,"  he  writes,  "  defended 
themselves  bravely.  They  were  alone,  for  all  the 
Catholics  were  attacked  on  other  points.  Francis 
Goge,  our  doctor,  received  a  ball  in  his  heart,  and  fell 
like  a  stone  ;  another,  Cyprian,  had  his  head  broken, 
and  the  others  were  scattered.  In  a  moment  all 
Rubaga  was  in  flames,  and — what  contributed  not  a 
little  to  fill  our  Christians  with  terror — they  believed 
their  fathers  dead.  In  fact,  we  were  bombarded  on 
two  sides  in  our  poor  mud  house,  and  we  were  bound 
to  be  burnt  alive.  Some  catechumens  were  there  who 
had  not  yet  been  regenerated.  These  were  the  young 
children  who,  after  seeing  their  master  fall,  had  been 
able,  through  fire  and  flame,  to  reach  our  house.  They 
were  all  cleansed  in  the  saving  waters,  and  I  gave 
last  absolution  to  all  the  Christians  and  to  the 
missioners,  and  received  it  myself  from  the  father 
superior.  It  only  remained  to  die.  Our  aggressors, 
meanwhile,  haply  ignorant  of  our  retreat  amid  the 
flames,  withdrew  to  pursue  our  Christians.  The  firing 
altogether  ceased.  What  would  become  of  us  in  our 
prison  .''  The  first  plunderers,  an  immense  band  of 
vultures,  that  descend  upon  the  battlefields  of  Uganda, 


234  Battlefield  Vultures  [1892 

approached.  We  were  discovered,  but  our  numbers 
terrified  them.  They  withdrew,  doubtless  to  seek  re- 
inforcement. Through  the  black  smoke  which  covered 
the  capital  reduced  to  ashes  two  of  our  children 
volunteered  to  go  in  order  to  carry  to  the  fort  a  note, 
in  which  I  made  a  last  appeal  to  the  humanity  of 
Captain  Lugard.  An  hour  afterwards  the  captain 
arrived  himself  with  a  strong  force.  Our  lives  were 
saved.  We  had  passed  two  mortal  hours  surrounded 
by  the  flames.  In  passing  out  we  found  everything 
burnt  around  us.  We  buried  our  poor  Francis, 
despoiled  and  half  burnt,  and  by  his  side  Luekula, 
another  Catholic  chief,  while  the  soldiers  ate  the 
cooked  flesh  of  our  animals  burnt  in  our  stables.  The 
captain  left  a  guard  to  protect  our  few  effects  rescued 
from  the  magazine,  and  the  missioners  sadly  took  the 
road  for  the  English  fort." 

Thus  ended  the  eventful  day.  The  wounded  of  both 
sides  were  carefully  collected  by  the  victorious 
Protestants  and  carried  to  the  fort,  where  they  were 
tenderly  cared  for  by  the  two  excellent  and  able 
doctors,  Macpherson  of  the  Company,  and  Wright  of 
the  Church  Missionary  Society. 


CHAPTER    IX 
THE  TRA  GED  Y  OF  BUL ING  UGE 


Captain  Lugard  urges  Mwanga  to  return — The  French  Bishop 
determines  to  join  the  King — The  French  Bishop's  Statements — 
The  Way  the  French  Bishops  hifluence  was  tised — Negotiations 
continued — Stokes'  Men  as  Envoys — The  King's  Value  to  the 
Propaganda — The  Satisfactiott  demanded  by  the  Company's 
Representative —  Undesirable  Objects  accomplished — Kisule 
attacks  Protestant  Canoes — War  continued  by  the  King's  Party — 
Captain  Williams  arrives  at  Bulinguge — A  heart-breaking 
Scene — Rescue  of  Kisule  by  the  Protestant  Chiefs — A  Night  and 
a  Day  in  the  Deep — A71  English  Officers  Opinion — A  quiet 
Shot  at  the  Bicycle — Escape  of  the  "  French  "  Chiefs — Mistake 
of  sending  Dualla  in  charge  of  Sudanese — A  young  German 
on  the  Scene — Shaky  hostile  Witnesses. 


1892] 


CHAPTER    IX 
THE  TRAGEDY  OF  BULINGUGE 

'T^HE  battle  of  Mengo  had  taken  place  on  January 
-*-  2 1st,  and  the  same  evening  Lugard  discussed 
the  situation  with  the  French  bishop,  who  suggested 
a  division  of  the  country  between  the  two  factions. 
The  position  of  the  French  faction,  in  spite  of  their 
defeat  on  the  battlefield,  was  really  politically  stronger 
than  ever.  They  had  met  the  whole  force  of  the 
Protestants  and  the  Company  as  well.  True  the 
Company  did  little  or  no  fighting,  with  the  exception 
of  firing  the  Maxim  behind  their  walls.  But  the 
people  of  the  country  would  believe  that  they  had 
done  their  very  best,  and  that  all  they  could  do  merely 
resulted  in  killing  a  dozen  of  the  side  opposed  to  them, 
while  the  French  party  had  retreated  in  good  order 
carrying  off  the  king. 

Buganda  was  where  the  king  was,  and  after  the 
battle  of  Mengo  the  French  party  held  Buganda. 
Thus  the  priests  might  well  feel  that  the  king  was 
hopelessly  committed  to  their  cause. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  a  result  of  the  battle,  the 
Company  had   possessed   themselves  of  the   empty  en- 


238       Lugard  urges  Mwanga  to  Return        [1892 

closure  of  the  king,  containing  a  few  of  the  royal 
huts,  which  were  of  no  value,  since  it  is  the  person,  not 
the  place,  which  Uganda  loyalty  associates  with  the 
glory  of  their  nation.  The  royal  enclosure  and  royal 
buildings  were  but  the  mushroom  growth  of  a  day, 
whereas  Mwanga  was  the  descendant  of  an  unbroken 
line  of  at  least  thirty  kings. 

Lugard,  as  soon  as  he  had  lost  the  head  of  the  nation, 
seemed  to  awake  up  to  his  real  value,  and  at  once  sent 
off  letters  urging  the  king  to  return  from  the  island. 
He  also  wrote  to  two  important  chiefs,  Sekibobo* 
and  Kago,t  inviting  them  both  to  remain  in  their 
offices.  The  result  of  these  letters  was  that  the  king 
sent  Kago  to  tell  Lugard  that  he  was  willing  to  return 
in  two  days.  There  is  little  doubt  that  Mwanga  had 
chafed  under  the  severe  tutelage  of  the  earnest  and 
austere  prelate  who  was  ruling  his  country,  and  the 
awful  sound  of  the  Maxim  had  helped  to  evaporate 
the  little  courage  which  he  possessed  ;  besides,  he  had 
a  shrewd  guess  that  when  it  came  to  fighting  the 
English  party  seemed  more  successful  in  the  field  than 
the  side  which  he  was  now  supporting.  The  king 
cared  nothing  for  Popery  nor  for  French  politics,  and 
had  not  the  slightest  desire  to  suffer  the  smallest  in- 

*  Sekibobo,  of  Kyagwe,  has  under  him  more  than  thirty  im- 
portant chiefs. 

t  Kago  is  the  Ruler  of  Kyadondo  and  Sebadu  of  Uganda,  the 
person  whose  duty  it  is  to  consult  the  Mandwa  or  priest  on 
behalf  of  the  king.  Under  him  are  Sebalija,  keeper  of  the 
king's  cattle',  who  in  turn  has  under  him  Mutamanyang'amba, 
the  executioner  and  Sengoba,  who  has  under  him  Musigula. 
Both  these  executioners  are  important  sub-chiefs. 


1892]  The  Bishop  determines  to  join  the  King  239 

convenience  for  the  sake  of  these  institutions,  much 
less  to  pose  as  a  martyr  in  their  behalf. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  Mwanga  was  sincere  in 
his  desire  to  return.  His  French  allies  and  teachers 
were  at  Mengo  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  and 
for  aught  he  knew  prisoners  in  the  stocks. 

Kago,  however,  had  an  interview  with  the  French 
bishop,  who  at  once  expressed  his  intention  of  repair- 
ing to  the  king.  It  is  interesting  to  have  the  French 
bishop's  own  view  of  the  negotiations  which  were  now 
held  with  Mwanga.  He  wrote  :  "  The  Company  wished 
to  restore  him  (Mwanga)  to  his  throne,  on  condition 
that  he  would  accept  the  Company's  flag,  now  the 
Protestant  flag,  and  that  he  would  yield  to  these  last 
the  chief  Catholic  charges.  On  the  26th  the  mis- 
sioners  themselves  received  permission  to  quit  the  fort, 
in  order  to  go  and  persuade  the  king  to  return.  An 
escort  accompanied  us  to  Munyonyo.  We  found  the 
country  a  desert.  What  a  welcome  when  our  dear  faith- 
ful saw  us  saved  !  The  king  meantime  would  not  hear 
of  returning  to  Mengo  ;  he  would  have  been  the  slave 
of  the  Protestants.  For  the  Catholics  there  was  this 
sole  choice  between  apostacy,  death,  or  exile." 

Now  there  are  certain  points  in  this  statement  that 
deserve  attention. 

First,  that  the  Company's  flag  meant  the  Protestant 
flag.  When  Captain  Williams  had  by  mistake  con- 
ceded the  point  as  to  allowing  the  turncoat  chiefs  of 
the  English  faction  to  retain  their  offices  on  joining  the 
French  faction,  even  then  the  French  faction  would  not 
hoist    the   Company's    flag,  but  ostentatiously  hoisted 


240  The  French  Bishops  Statements         [1892 

the  king's  own  flag.  This  clearly  showed  that  the  con- 
cession asked  for  would  not  cause  the  priests  to  accept 
the  Company  as  a  valid  representative  of  English 
protection.  There  was  now  no  change  as  regards 
the  flag,  and  the  French  bishop  is  still  prepared  to 
refuse  the  protectorate  of  which  the  flag  is  a  symbol, 
and  which  the  Protestant  or  English  faction  had  loyally 
accepted  from  the  first.  The  Union  Jack  was  objected 
to  because  it  signified  British  ascendency. 

•  Next,  the  bishop  says  that  Lugard  demanded  that 
the  king  should  yield  to  the  Protestants  the  chief 
Catholic  charges.  But  so  far  from  this  having  been 
the  case,  Lugard  had  actually  offered  to  reinstate  in 
their  offices  all  the  "  French  "  chiefs,  Again,  the  bishop 
states  that  the  king  would  not  hear  of  returning  to 
Mengo.  This  is  quite  contrary  to  what  the  king  had 
said,  and  to  what  he  afterwards  did — namely,  by 
running  away  from  the  French  faction,  and  making  his 
escape  to  Kampala.  It  was  evidently  the  bishop's  view 
that  the  chiefs  returning  meant  apostacy.  But  why  .' 
The  chiefs  appear  not  to  have  thought  so  till  they 
were  assured  by  their  spiritual  ruler  that  such  was  the 
case. 

And  finally,  I  cannot  but  think  the  words  used  of 
the  permission  to  leave  the  fort,  "  in  order  to  persuade 
the  king  to  return,"  must  be  half  ironical.  How  could 
he,  who  believed  that  the  king's  return  meant  apostacy, 
persuade  the  king  to  return  } 

The  English  chiefs  declared  to  Captain  Lugard  that 
if  the  French  bishop  was  allowed  to  go  to  Mwanga  all 
hopes  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulty  were  at  an 


1892]     Holu  Mgr.  HirtJi s  Influence  zuas  Used    241 

end.  The  bishop,  however,  determined  on  going,  in 
spite  of  Lugard's  polite  protestations  to  the  contrary. 
Here  was  a  case  in  which  Lugard  might  have  used  his 
discretion  by  forbidding  these  missionaries  to  risk  their 
lives  during  the  very  progress  of  the  war  ;  but  Lugard 
gave  way.  And  the  bishop  went  "  to  persuade  Mwanga 
to  return  "  ! 

But  the  bishop  must  have  done,  as  those  who  heard 
him  declared  that  he  did,  use  all  his  influence  and 
all  his  persuasions  to  urge  the  king  NOT  to  return. 
His  assurance  to  Lugard  that  he  would  influence  the 
king  to  return  can  only  have  been  a  diplomatic  ruse 
to  obtain  his  own  liberty  and  that  of  his  confreres. 
Though  his  conduct  may  have  been  in  some  measure 
blamable,  yet  it  must  be  remembered  that  he  did  not 
view  this  Imperial  Chartered  Trading  Company  as 
representing  England  authoritatively  ;  and  in  spite  of 
the  protestations  of  the  Company's  officers  to  the 
contrary  he  was  quite  right,  since  Sir  Gerald  Portal 
subsequently  seems  to  have  explained  that  the  Company 
did  not  represent  the  Government.  Anything  more 
humiliating  than  the  position  in  respect  to  the  Company 
and  to  the  people  of  Uganda  which  the  late  Sir  Gerald 
Portal  felt  it  his  duty  to  take  up  can  hardly  be 
imagined.  The  Company  held  a  royal  charter,  and 
was  allowed  to  fly  the  Union  Jack,  and  actually 
coin  money,  and  yet  Sir  Gerald  took  the  position  that 
the  Government  was  not  responsible  for  the  Company's 
actions — that  is,  to  black  chiefs. 

The  French  Government,  however,  told  our  own 
in     the     plainest    terms     that     it     held     the     English 

16 


242  Negotiations  Continued  [1892 

Government  responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  Company, 
and  perfectly  rightly  so.  My  earnest  hope  is  that 
our  Government  will  come  to  see  how  thoroughly 
wrong  in  principle  Imperial  Charters  are,  and  that  it 
will  for  the  future  abstain  from  granting  them.  Where 
there  are  trading  companies  let  there  be  British  consuls, 
and  where  there  is  British  commerce  to  protect  by 
land,  let  there  be  British  soldiers  to  protect  it,  as  there 
are  British  sailors  to  protect  it  by  sea.  In  the  long 
run  it  is  cheaper.  Men  in  Government  service  are  in 
a  far  more  assured  position  of  both  authority  and 
subordination  than  those  under  the  committee  of  a 
trading  company. 

But  to  return  to  the  negotiations.  The  next  day 
the  French  bishop  showed  his  real  view,  for  he  wrote 
to  Lugard  expressing  his  regret  at  not  having  been 
able  to  transmit  Captain  Lugard's  request  to  the  king, 
adding  that,  perhaps,  he  might  have  been  able  to 
influence  him  somewhat,  leaving  Captain  Lugard  to 
infer  that  this  influence  had  not  yet  been  employed, 
nor  would  be  unless  certain  concessions  which  he  would 
demand  were  granted  by  Captain  Lugard.  And  then, 
as  if  to  show  that  he  wished  negotiations  to  be  opened, 
he  continued,  "  Let  us  not  despair,  however,  of  seeing 
him  quit  his  island." 

The  next  day,  January  28th,  Lugard  sent  two  men 
to  the  king.  He  could  not,  or  would  not,  see  that  it 
was  the  bishop,  and  not  the  king,  who  was  the  actual 
head  of  the  French  faction.  The  bishop  had  requested 
Lugard,  as  the  latter  says,  somewhat  brusquely  to  send 
all  me.«sengers  and   letters  through  the  fathers,  giving, 


1892]  Stokes    Men  as  Envoys  243 

as  an  excuse,  that  the  Captain's  messengers  had  been 
insulted  by  the  orders  of  the  king,  as  they  had  not 
been  introduced  by  the  French  priests.  Could  anything 
have  been  plainer  than  this  insistence  that  negotiations 
should  be  conducted  through  the  medium  of  the  priests  ? 
Yet  Lugard  persisted  in  ignoring  the  very  people 
through  whom  alone  it  was  now  possible  to  come  to 
an  understanding  with  either  the  king  or  the  French 
faction.  Far  otherwise  would  it  have  been  if  he  had 
kept  the  French  fathers  under  his  own  protection  at 
Kampala  till  the  war  was  ended  by  the  return  of  the 
king. 

Captain  Lugard's  messengers  were  two  of  Stokes' 
head  men — Muftahaa,  who  was  buying  ivory  in 
Uganda  for  his  employer,  and  the  Captain,  or  Nahotha, 
of  Stokes'  boat.  These  men  were  both  Muhammedans, 
and  were  absolutely  neutral,  and  were  the  negotiations 
to  have  been  conducted  with  the  king  alone,  no  better 
choice  of  envoys  could  have  been  made.  They  saw 
the  king,  who  told  them  that  he  was  exceedingly 
anxious  to  return,  but  that  he  was  a  prisoner  in  the 
hands  of  the  French  party.  The  bishop,  according 
to  Muftahaa's  account,  asked  the  latter  if  he  had 
been  sent  from  Lugard,  and  whether  he  thought  it 
good  first  to  expel  the  king,  and  then  to  invite  him 
to  return. 

"  If  Captain  Lugard  wants  the  king,"  he  added 
bitterly,  "  he  had  better  bring  his  cannon  and  kill  us 
all  here."  Some  of  the  great  chiefs  appear  to  have 
desired  to  return  ;  but  they  were  quickly  overruled  by 
the  bishop,  who  was  warmly  supported  by  Gabrieli,  the 


244        Kings   Value  to  the  Propaganda         [1892 

fiery  young  Mujasi,  and  Kisule,*  the  clever  blacksmith. 
The  position  was  very  strong.  Once  let  the  king  be 
established  in  Budu,  negotiations  could  be  opened  up 
with  every  prospect  of  success  ;  but  if  the  king  should 
return  at  once  to  Kampala,  then  all  the  advantages 
which  the  possession  of  his  person  carried  with  it  would 
be  lost.  No  one  seems  to  have  realised  more  clearly 
than  Monseigneur  Hirth  the  value  of  the  king  as  regards 
the  propaganda,  for  he  says,  referring  to  Mwanga's  open 
profession  of  Roman  Catholicism  :  "  The  number  of  our 
catechumens  who  come  to  the  mission  has  almost 
doubled  in  eight  days.  Some  four  thousand  to  five 
thousand  men  come  to  us  on  ordinary  days."  +  Hence 
his  vehement  objection  to  the  king's  return  to  Kampala. 
On  the  29th  Lugard  held  a  long  discussion  with  the 
Protestant  chiefs,  who  appear  to  have  behaved  with 
much  moderation,  and  consented  to  invite  the  king  and 
all  the  '*  French  "  chiefs  back  to  their  former  positions 
and  office.  They  hoped  that  the  battle  of  Mengo 
would  be  a  lesson  to  them,  which  would  put  a  stop  to 
those    insolent   acts  of  aggressive  violence  which   had 

*  Kisule  is  an  intelligent  and  far  from  narrow-minded  man. 
In  our  old  days  at  Natete  a  constant  visitor  and  friend.  He 
gained  much  of  his  knowledge  in  iron  working  from  Mackay  ;  and 
so  skilful  was  he,  that  it  was  said  he  was  able  to  turn  muzzle- 
loading  guns  into  breech  loaders.  At  any  rate,  he  could  fit 
s.prings,  new  nipples,  etc.,  into  broken  guns.  Strange  to  say, 
this  man's  skill  was  animadverted  upon  by  one  of  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Co.'s  officers,  as  one  of  the  deplorable  results 
of  missionary  effort,  merely  because  the  man  used  it  for  mending 
guns.  A  Christian  captain  or  general  may  use  and  break  guns, 
but  a  Christian  blacksmith  must  not  mend  them  ! 

t  Quoted  p.  59,  in  "  Notes  on  Uganda."     (Waterlow  &  Sons.) 


1892]       Satisfacti07i  Demanded  by  Company       245 

forced  on  the  war.  But  Captain  Lugard  went  further 
than  this.  He  wrote  in  a  .sense  which  seemed  very 
like  a  confession  of  being  in  fault,  since  he  dropped 
entirely  the  question  of  the  outrages  which  had  led  to 
the  war,  while  he  made  the  paltry  personal  insults  cast 
at  himself  through  Dualla  the  only  injury  from  which 
he  demanded  any  redress. 

Though  one  may  feel  that,  as  the  representative  of 
English  prestige,  he  could  hardly  ignore  the  insults,  one 
cannot  but  regret  that  the  original  demand  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  faction  should  give  up  the  first  culprit 
should  not  have  been  made  a  sine  qua  non  before 
permitting  the  king  and  chiefs  to  return,  since  if  the 
question  were  worth  fighting  about  it  was  worth  repre- 
senting diplomatically  after  the  fight.  Again,  the  method 
Lugard  used  in  demanding  reparation  for  the  personal 
insult,  can  hardly  commend  itself  to  a  sense  of  abstract 
justice.  In  giving  an  account  of  the  satisfaction  he  de- 
manded he  writes  :  "  As  to  the  three  chiefs  present  in  the 
Baraza  when  the  insults  were  offered  I  would  forgive  the 
Mujasi  since  he  spared  the  life  of  one  of  my  men  who 
fell  into  his  hands.  The  Kauta  must  lose  his  place, 
but  should  be  reinstated  if  he  behaved  well.  Salo  Salo 
(Musalo-salo),  who  is  a  very  petty  chief,  and  generally 
disliked,  being  a  thoroughly  bad  man,  must  be  de- 
graded." 

Thus  considerations  quite  outside  the  offence  were 
allowed  to  influence  his  demands.  It  would  seem  also 
that  to  be  in  a  humble  position,  or  to  have  the  mis- 
fortune to  be  unpopular,  was  part  of  the  reason  for 
being  degraded,  as  well  as  for  being  very  bad.      What 


246  Undesirable  Objects  Effected  [1892 

Musalo-salo's  badness  consisted  in  Captain  Lugard  does 
not  say.  Unpopular  he  may  have  been,  but  at  the 
same  time  he  was  an  important  chief,  since  he  was  in 
the  closest  attendance  on  the  king. 

Thus  it  appears  that  no  indemnity  was  asked,  the 
question  of  giving  up  the  men  who  had  shot  the  two 
English  adherents  was  dropped,  the  offer  to  reinstate 
everybody  was  made,  and  the  promise  to  blot  out 
the  memory  of  the  whole  affair  was  made. 

It  must  have  looked  to  the  king  and  his  advisers  as 
if  Lugard  was  now  repentant,  and  terrified  at  what  he 
had  done.  He  had  really  effected  nothing  but  the 
driving  out  of  the  king  and  the  French  missionaries, 
and  destroying  their  mission  buildings  and  church,  the 
very  objects  which  were  furthest  from  his  desires.  At 
diplomacy  he  was  no  match  for  the  priest,  while  the 
cunning  of  the  natives  overmatched  his  finesse.  The 
priests  at  once  saw  their  advantage,  and,  as  I  have 
shown,  exhorted  the  king  not  to  return.* 

The  negotiations  seem  to  have  been  rather  one-sided, 
and  no  written  answer  was  returned  by  the  king. 
Meanwhile  the  French  faction  was  gathering  in  Budu, 
and  the  chief  of  Chagwe  was  preparing  to  march  there 
with  the  whole  "  French  "  population.  Thus  all  Uganda 
was   in  movement.     Some  ten  thousand  men,  women, 

*  I  think  native  evidence  here,  since  it  agrees  perfectly  with 
what  actually  happened,  may  be  set  against  the  priests'  promise 
while  prisoners  to  carry  the  invitation  to  Mwanga  to  return  and 
to  persuade  him  to  do  so.  We  are  not  told  in  what  terms  they 
promised  to  influence  the  king's  return,  and  I  have  seen  no 
categorical  statement  upon  their  part  that  they  ever  did  promise 
to  persuade  the  king  to  return  unconditionally. 


1892]         Kisule  attacks  Protestant  Canoes        247 

and  children  of  the  Protestant  population  of  Budu  were 
making  their  way  towards  Mengo,  while  the  Catholic 
populations — including,  of  course,  the  heathen  adherents 
of  the  king — were  moving  towards  Budu,  coming  from 
all  parts. 

Sesse  Island,  with  its  people,  were  loyal  to  the 
king.  Koki,  with  his  seven  hundred  guns,  was  also 
on  Mwanga's  side,  and  the  king's  allies,  the  brave 
Buvama  islanders,  at  Mwanga's  call  were  preparing  to 
help,  so  that  the  French  faction  were  very  strong  indeed. 
It  must  be  remembered,  also,  that  their  loss  at  the  battle 
of  Mengo  had  been  trifling.  They  were  therefore  fully 
determined  to  renew  the  struggle,  and  accordingly,  on 
the  evening  of  the  29th,  a  party  in  canoes,  under  Kisule 
the  blacksmith,  attacked  the  canoes  of  a  Protestant 
chief  named  Muwambi,  which  were  bringing  food  from 
the  island  of  Komi  to  the  mainland.  Kisule  captured 
some  of  these  boats,  and,  it  is  said,  sank  two  of  them ; 
at  any  rate,  he  returned  in  triumph,  bringing  his  prisoners 
and  booty.  Muwambi  immediately  sent  word  to 
Mengo.  Lugard  for  five  days  had  laboured  for  peace, 
with  no  result  but  this  violent  act  of  aggression  by  the 
king's  party  ;  and  so  Lugard  determined  to  send 
Captain  Williams   to  attack   Bulinguge  the  next  day. 

Meanwhile,  he  received  a  verbal  message  from  the 
king  agreeing  to  return  if  the  English  faction  would 
pay  a  fine  to  the  king,  and  deliver  up  to  him  all  the 
guns  which  Lugard  had  lent  them.  One  would  like  to 
know  more  details  as  to  this  demand,  and  whether  it 
was  made  by  a  messenger  from  the  king  duly  ac- 
credited.     At  any  rate,  it  was  a  demand  which   Lugard 


248  War  Continued  by  the  Kings  Party       [1892 

viewed  as  a  mere  insult,  and  so  he  agreed  that  the 
EngHsh  faction  should  attack  the  island  in  conjunction 
with  Captain  Williams,  who  took  with  him  Dualla,  the 
interpreter,  a  hundred  Sudanese  soldiers,  and  a  Maxim 
gun.  The  use  of  undisciplined  native  allies  in  African 
warfare  is  deeply  to  be  deplored,  since  they  cannot  be 
kept  in  hand.  There  may  be  occasions  which  seem  to 
justify  it,  and  it  has  been  largely  practised,  not  in 
Uganda  only,  but  throughout  Africa,  and  by  other 
nations  as  well  as  the  English.  In  this  case,  however, 
the  precaution  was  taken  to  secure  a  steady  leader, 
and  an  important  Protestant  chief,  and  a  consistent 
Christian  man  named  Paulo,  was  selected  as  commander 
of  the  Protestant  contingent.  At  that  time  Paulo  held 
the  important  chieftainship  of  Kitunzi. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  king's  party,  in  the  face 
of  Lugard's  earnest  endeavours  for  peace,  continued 
to  prosecute  the  war.  The  attack  on  Muwambi's 
was  planned  and  carried  out  from  the  armed  camp  on 
Bulinguge  Island,  and  was  therefore  totally  different 
from  mere  local  and  unauthorised  pillaging. 

Lugard  was  therefore  most  certainly  justified  in 
attacking  Bulinguge.  The  only  question  which  might 
occur  is  why  he  should  not  have  selected  some  one 
or  two  hundred  of  the  best  men  of  the  English  faction 
of  the  rank  of  chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,  of  whom  he  tells 
us  there  were  six  hundred,  and  over  whom  he  might 
have  exercised  something  like  strict  discipline.  It 
was  not  apparently  the  policy  of  the  Company  nor 
of  the  Government  to  enrol  the  Baganda  of  either 
faction   as    English    soldiers  ;  yet   neither  one   nor  the 


1892]  Williams  arrives  at  Biilinguge  249 

other  shrank  from  employing    undisciplined    mobs    of 

these  people  in  the  prosecution  of  their  wars. 

On    the    morning    of   the    30th    Captain    Williams 

arrived  at  the  shore  of  the  Lake,  opposite  the   King's 

Island,  which  was  some  four  hundred  yards  from  the 

mainland.       His    men    found    two    women    who    had 

crossed   over    to    collect    grass    for    thatching.     These 

women    tried    to    escape     to     their    canoe,    but     were 

secured.     The    canoe    got    off,    and    the     men     in     it 

reported  the  capture  of  the  women  by  the  Protestants. 

Toli,   an    old    Madagascar    man,  was    with    the    king, 

and  he,  with  the  caution   of   his    nation,  advised    the 

king  not  to  fight.      The  fiery  young  Gabrielli   Mujasi, 

however,   buckled    on    his   cartridge    belt,   as    also    the 

valiant  blacksmith   Kisule,  and,  followed   by  a  number 

of  boys,  ran  down  to  the  beach,  and  it  is  said   fired 

a  few    shots.      Williams    was    meanwhile    getting    the 

Maxim    into    position,   while   his    men,    under    Dualla, 

and    a    number    of    Protestants,  crowded    into    fifteen 

canoes,    and    paddled  rapidly  towards  the  island.      It 

was  now  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  the 

French    bishop    has    thus    graphically    described    what 

took     place.*      "  I     saw,"    he     writes,    "  fifteen     boats 

rapidly  approach   the    island.      All    of    a    sudden    the 

bullets    began   to  rain   upon   the  royal  hut,   making  a 

terrible   noise   in    the   copse    that    surrounded    us.      It 

was    the    Maxim    mitrailleuse,    which    joined    its    fire 

*  The  extracts  from  Monseigneur  Hirth's  letter  are  taken  from 
the  July  number,  1892,  of  the  Church  Missionary  Society's  In- 
telligencer,  which  copied  it  from  the  Roman  Catholic  paper, 
the  Tablet,  of  June  4th,  1892,  which  says  that  it  amounts  to  a 
full  translation  of  the  very  important  document,  etc. 


250  A  Heartrending  Scene  [1892 

to  that  of  the  boats  loaded  with  soldiers.  The  king 
seized  me  by  the  hand  and  dragged  me  away.  If 
we  were  not  riddled  it  was  the  Lord  who  shielded 
us.  A  crowd  of  women  and  children  fled  with  us. 
How  many  fell  !  We  had  soon  gained  the  other 
shore  of  the  island  ;  the  bullets  could  no  longer  reach 
us.  But  what  a  sight  !  Just  a  few  canoes  and  a 
crowd  of  three  or  four  thousand  throwing  them- 
selves into  the  water  to  cling  to  them  ;  it  was 
heart-breaking.  What  shrieks  !  what  a  fusilade  !  what 
deaths  by  drowning  !  The  king  was  pushed  into 
a  boat ;  I  had  to  follow  him  in  without  even  thinking 
of  my  six  colleagues  I  was  leaving  behind.  We  were 
soon  in  open  water,  whence  we  saw  the  flames  that 
marked  the  presence  of  the  enemy  in  the  island. 
It  was  disputed  foot  by  foot.  Gabriel  (Mujasi)  and 
all  the  rest  of  our  bravest — Fundi  (Kisule),  Kangao, 
Kaggo — were  there. 

"  And  the  fathers !  I  have  not  seen  them  since. 
I  am  told  that  at  the  first  firing  they  also  rushed  for 
the  boats  ;  one  only  remained.  They  leapt  inside, 
and  filled  it  with  Christians  until  the  boat  broke  at 
the  side.  Once  more  they  resigned  themselves  to 
death.  I  am  told  that  they  themselves  went  first, 
avoiding  a  melee  with  the  fighters.  They  were  able 
to  surrender  to  the  Ba-gandas  without  being  wounded." 

Lugard  describes  these  Protestants  as  having  shown 
no  pluck  whatever.  This  is  so  contrary  to  their 
invariable  behaviour  in  the  field,  as  described  by 
Captain  Lugard  himself,  that  one  cannot  but  feel  that 
some    other    explanation    is   necessary.      I   think  it  is 


1892]       Resate  of  Kisule  by  Protestant  Chiefs    251 

not  far  to  seek.  The  Protestants  acted  with  reluctance, 
and  saw,  I  believe  with  disgust,  the  ruthlessness  of 
Dualla's  Muhammedan  Sudanese,  who,  let  loose  on 
the  island,  perpetrated,  as  I  have  been  given  to  under- 
stand, not  a  few  atrocious  murders.  Pere  Gaudibert 
himself  told  me  he  witnessed  the  shooting  dead  of  a 
boy  ;  a  Protestant  chief  who  was  present  corroborated 
the  statement  that  unarmed  people  were  massacred, 
a  woman  being  among  those  killed.  Kisule,  the 
Fundi,  and  Sensalira,  an  old  heathen  sub-chief,  were 
rescued  from  the  hands  of  the  Sudanese  and  from 
death  by  the  Protestant  chiefs.  It  is  impossible 
to  say  what  the  utterly  heathen  adherents  of  either 
party  might  be  capable  of ;  but  that  the  well-instructed 
chiefs  of  either  creed  would  commit  the  atrocities 
charged  against  the  Protestant  leaders  I  feel  sure 
is  contrary  to  the  whole  tenor  of  their  actions.  For 
when  the  Protestants  made  their  exodus  from  Budu, 
and  were  attacked  by  the  Roman  Catholics,  a  boy 
belonging  to  Kajerero,  who  commanded  the  enemy, 
was  made  prisoner.  This  boy  was  an  intelligent 
Roman  Catholic.  He  was  treated  with  the  greatest 
kindness  by  Thomas  Mukisi,  the  Protestant  leader, 
and  when  I  asked  what  he  meant  to  do  with  him 
he  said,  "  I  will  send  him  back  to  Monseigneur,  the 
French  bishop." 

One  must  read  accounts  written  under  a  strong 
sense  of  wrong  and  with  evident  anguish  of  heart  with 
a  sympathetic  caution. 

Monseigneur  Hirth  continues  his  graphic  story  as 
follows  :    "  For    my    part,   I    rowed    sadly,  very  sadly. 


252        A  Night  and  a  Day  in  the  Deep       [1892 

on  the  Lake,  withdrawing  slowly,  for  our  overcharged 
boat  threatened  even  to  capsize,  engulphing  thereby 
the  last  hope  of  Uganda,  its  king  and  its  bishop." 
(Another  undesigned  coincidence  showing  Monseigneur's 
appreciation  of  the  paramount  importance  of  the 
king.)  He  goes  on  :  "  With  difificulty  we  emerged 
from  the  creek,  leaving  Uganda  all  around  us  in 
flames. 

"  After  a  whole  night  and  day  on  the  water,  without 
repose,  without  nourishment,  we  landed  at  Sesse.  I 
had  to  leave  the  king  to  continue  his  course  alone 
towards  the  south  of  Budu,  in  order  to  take  counsel  on 
my  own  part,  to  save  the  last  colleagues  that  remained 
to  me  in  Sesse  itself,  or  in  Budu. 

"  All  of  us  then  slowly  proceeded  to  the  Kagera  and 
the  German  frontier.  It  is  not  exile  but  rather  new 
fatherland  for  us,  for  an  immense  immigration,  beginning 
from  the  frontier  of  Unyoro  and  the  banks  of  the  Nile, 
has  followed  us  for  several  days.  The  whole  of  Budu 
has  become  a  Catholic  province.  The  Protestants, 
though  ten  times  more  numerous,  have  been  driven  out. 
God  only  knows  how  this  terrible  trial  will  end  for  us. 
1  have  trust  in  Him,  and  in  the  holy  martyrs  of 
Uganda.  Humanly  speaking,  all  our  hopes  seem 
destroyed. 

"  Nevertheless,  I  trust  that  God  will  awaken  faith  on 
the  Nyanza  in  spite  of  the  endeavours  of  the  East 
African  Company  to  bring  us  under  the  Mussulman 
yoke.  The  last  letters  from  Captain  Lugard  threatened 
to  surrender  Uganda  to  Embogo,  King  of  the  Mussul- 
man Baganda.      If  Mwanga  had  for  one  year  been  free 


1892]  An  English  Officers  Opinion 


253 


to  act  as  he  liked  there  would  at  present  have  been  no 
Mussulman  state  here,  and  no  more  slave  trade." 
Another  statement  bearing  out  my  view  of  Monseig- 
neur's  most  strong  belief  in   the  value  of  Mwanga  in 


KING    MWANGA  S    FLIGHT. 


carrying  out  any  policy  which  Monseigneur  favoured. 
He  continues:  "But  that  is  not  what  the  officers  of  the 
Company  look  to.  One  of  them  lately  said  to  me, 
'  Among  the  three  sects  known  in  Uganda,  Protestants, 
Catholics,  and  Mussulmans,  I  like  the  last    much   best.' 


2  54  -^   Quiet  SJiot  dt  the  Bicycle  [1892 

Indeed,  he  has  built  for  the  last  a  school  in  the  fort, 
and  a  mosque.  It  is  infatuation  which  makes  him  speak 
against  the  Catholics  ;  but  he  seems  to  do  justice  to 
the  Protestants,  whose  morality  is  as  bad  as  that  of  the 
Mussulmans  ;  besides,  they  all  smoke  hemp  furiously."* 

The  letter  ends  by  a  request  for  the  sympathy  of 
the  writer's  European  co-religionist.  He  says  :  "  Deign 
especially  to  beg  for  us  the  compassion  of  the  faithful, 
for  we  have  lost  much.  We  ask  neither  for  bicycles 
nor  for  champagne,  but  let  them  not  refuse  what  is 
needful.  It  is  three  weeks  since  I  have  been  able  to 
say  either  mass  or  office." 

The  letter  is  ot  thrilling  interest  throughout,  often 
pathetic,  and  the  quiet  shot  at  the  bicycle  shows  that 
the  writer  was  not  without  a  sense  of  humour.  The 
poor  man's  horse  must  be  sneered  at  even  in  Central 
Africa.  I  was  the  only  person  who  had  a  bicycle,  but 
for  a  time  I  was  puzzled  as  to  how  champagne  should 
have  been  associated  with  bicycles.  Mr  Roscoe,  one 
of  our  missionaries,  was  able,  however,  to  explain  the 
mystery.  Among  the  boxes  which  I  left  at  Bukoba,  and 
which  were  looted,  as  well  as  the  bicycle,  by  the  French 

■  *  Here,  I  think,  is  a  statement  which  requires  to  be  read  with 
caution.  The  sweeping  assertion  as  to  morality  is  made  without 
any  realisation  of  the  character  of  Christian  Protestantism  in 
Uganda,  while  the  entirely  false  assertion  that  the  Protestants 
all  smoke  bhang  furiously  plainly  betrays  its  untruth  by  the 
absurdly  unguarded  nature  of  the  accusation.  The  unfairness  of 
classing  the  bhang-smoking  Pagans  with  the  Protestants  in  this 
instance  is  quite  obvious,  since  Monseigneur  and  his  confreres 
knew  that  they  were  a  quite  distinct  faction,  with  leaders  of 
their  own.  They  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  Protestants 
except  on  the  field  of  battle,  when  the  Protestants  fought  with  them. 


1892]  Escape  of  the  French  Chiefs  255 

faction,  was  a  case  containing  a  few  bottles  of  cham- 
pagne, which  Mr.  Roscoe  was  bringing  up  for  medical  use. 

This,  in  brief,  is  the  French  bishop's  account  of  the 
affair  at  Bulinguge. 

It  will  be  evident  from  Monseigneur  Hirth's  letter  that 
the  French  faction  showed  much  courage,  and  Lugard 
says  they  fought  with  great  gallantry.  The  Protestants 
seem  to  have  busied  themselves  on  this  occasion  chiefly 
with  looting  the  huts  and  stores  containing  the  property 
of  the  king  and  the  defeated  chiefs.  There  seems  to 
have  been  again  no  pursuit,  and  Captain  Lugard,  writing 
of  it,  says,  had  these  chiefs  been  captured  it  would  have 
ended  the  war.  He  blames  his  Protestant  allies  for 
their  escape.  I  think,  however,  that  the  blame  rests 
rather  with  his  own  lieutenant,  who  was  commanding 
the  expedition.  With  reference  to  the  numbers  killed, 
two  accounts,  those  of  Pere  Guillermain  and  Rev. 
R.  H.  Walker  (who  follows  Toll's  account  of  the  matter), 
give  the  number  of  canoes  sunk  by  the  Maxim  as 
six.  Baskerville,  who  is  not  always  careful  to  note 
that  his  statements  are  not  his  own  observations  at  first 
hand,  gives  the  number  sunk  by  the  gun  as  eleven. 
Another  informant,  Namenyeka,  a  Protestant  chief,  gives 
the  number  as  two  or  three.  Captain  Williams  admits 
that  some  sixty  men  were  killed  in  the  boats.  This  must 
have  been  on  the  side  of  the  island  facing  the  mainland 
at  Munyonoyo,  since  the  Maxim  was  not,  I  understand, 
landed  upon  the  island.  The  deplorable  loss  of  life  on 
the  other  side  arose  from  overcrowding  the  canoes. 

Those  actually  killed   in   the  fighting,  according  to 
Captain  Lugard's  information,  amounted  to  eighty-five 


256  Dualla  in  Charge  of  Sudanese  [1892 

persons  ;  but  how  Captain  Williams  could  estimate  the 
number  of  those  killed  in  the  canoes  at  sixty  is  not 
made  quite  clear.  At  any  rate,  it  is  much  to  be  feared 
that  in  this  deplorable  affair  some  hundreds  of  people 
perished,  either  under  fire,  or  by  the  overcrowding 
of  canoes,  and  that  among  them  was  a  large  number 
of  women  and  children.  The  statement  that  Captain 
Williams  purposely  fired  upon  women  and  children 
cannot  for  a  moment  be  entertained,  nor  can  it  be  sub- 
stantiated ;  but  that  there  were  women  in  some  of  those 
canoes  sunk  is  very  possible. 

If  Captain  Williams  were  to  blame  I  should  say  it 
was  rather  that  he  did  not  send  one  or  two  of  his 
European  companions  in  charge  of  the  Sudanese 
soldiers  instead  of  Dualla,  who,  it  seems,  was  the  person 
in  charge  of  the  Company's  landing  force.  Captain 
Williams  has  been  blamed  by  the  Catholic  Union  for 
confiding  the  priests  to  the  care  of  the  Pokino 
Nikodemo,  whom  he  had  described  in  one  of  his  letters 
as  a  "  rabid  and  cantankerous  Protestant "  ;but  Captain 
Williams  knew  that  he  could  not  have  chosen  any  one 
in  the  whole  of  Uganda  who  would  have  been  more 
tender  or  more  courteous  to  the  European  strangers  than 
the  kindly  old  Pokino,  But  that  there  should  be  no 
ground  for  complaint,  they  were  escorted  back  to  the 
Company's  fort  by  Dr.  Macpherson,  where  they  were 
politely  received  by  Captain  Lugard,  who  says  that 
they  were  utterly  done  up  and  exhausted  ;  and  when  he 
offered  them  his  own  clothes  they  were  apparently  too 
polite  to  accept  them,  and  consequently  spent  a  miser- 
able night  in  a  very  damp  condition.      If  they  met  with 


1892]         A    Young  German  on  the  Scene         257 

but    poor   fare    and    poor    treatment    at    the    Imperial 
British   East  Africa's  headquarters  in   Uganda  it    was 
because    Lugard    and   his   subordinate    officers  had   no 
better  to  offer.      The  fault  lies  rather  with  the  failure 
of  the  Company  to  supply  its  officers  with   necessaries 
than  with  any  lack  of  hospitality  on  the  part  of  those 
gentlemen  themselves.      Thus  ended  the  most  unhappy 
incident    of   the    war.      Something    had    indeed    been 
accomplished    since    the   king    now   saw   that   he    was 
fighting  with  the   English   Company   rather  than    with 
the   Protestant   Ba-ganda,  but  the  French  faction  had 
once  more  been   allowed  to  carry  off  the  king.      The 
Protestants,  according    to    Pere    Coullaud,    who  wrote 
February    i6th,    i8g2,   made   an    effort  to  capture  the 
canoe  in  which  the  king  was  escaping  ;  but  strange  to 
say,  at  this  juncture  a  young  German  non-commissioned 
officer  appeared   on   the  scene,  and    took    the    French 
bishop    and   king  under  his  protection.      I   shall  have 
occasion  again  to  mention  this  young  man,  whose  former 
kindly  relation  with  myself  I   have  already  referred  to. 
I  have  now  given  what  I  believe  to  be  a  fairly  accurate 
account   of    this  period.      But   I   must    here    deprecate 
evidence    hostile    to    the    English    Company    and    the 
Protestant  faction,  given  by  a  number  of  persons,  all  of 
whom  had  some  motive  in  taking  a  more  or  less  hostile 
view,  and  none  of  whom  were  within  hundreds  of  miles 
of  Uganda  at  the  time  of  the  occurrence. 

Among  hostile  witnesses  are  Herr  Stuhlmann,  who, 
when  the  fighting  took  place,  was  making  his  way  from 
somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kavalli's,  and  was 
naturally  more  or  less  hostile  to  the  Company  after  the 

17 


258  Shaky  Hostile   Witnesses  [1892 

Peters' treaty  and  its  resultant  j^^zj-^^.  Herr  Wolf,  when 
a  thousand  miles  off,  had  swallowed  whole  the  ex- 
pm^te  statements  which  he  received  from  the  French 
priests,  and  had  committed  himself  to  the  view  that 
the  Protestant  missionaries  and  English  Company  and 
I^nglish  faction  were  to  blame — and  this  before  he  set 
foot  in  Uganda.  Then  we  have  Mr.  Muxworthy,  who 
was  intimately  connected  in  business  relations  with  the 
important  trader  Stokes,  with  whom  Lugard  had  a 
serious  misunderstanding,  and  Muxworthy,  though  an 
excellent  man,  was  nevertheless  likely  to  be  prejudiced 
against  the  Company  and  those  who  supported  it ; 
besides — and  this  vitiates  his  testimony — he  was  two 
hundred  miles  from  Uganda  at  the  time  of  the  war. 
Then  we  have  Dr.  Maloney  giving  his  opinion.  Dr. 
Maloney  knew  nothing  whatever  about  Uganda,  had 
never  been  within  two  months'  journey  of  it  ;  besides,  he 
was  a  Roman  Catholic,  and  this  perhaps  accounts  for 
his  bias.  Sergeant  Robinson,  Captain  Stair's  attendant, 
who  also  was  quoted  as  saying  the  Protestants  were  in 
the  wrong,  was  in  company  with  Dr.  Maloney,  and,  like 
Dr.  Maloney,  knew  nothing  whatever  about  the  affairs 
of  Uganda.  They  happened  both  to  have  been  in 
Africa,  and,  except  for  this,  had  no  other  claim  to  speak 
on  Uganda. 

On  the  evidence  of  such  witnesses  as  these  serious 
and  unfounded  charges  against  innocent  men  have  been 
supported,  and  hostile  judgments  formed  of  theProtest- 
ant  Christians  of  Uganda,  who,  whatever  their  faults 
may  be,  have  given  irrefragible  proof  of  possessing  many 
noble  Christian  qualities. 


BOOK    III 

UGANDA   REVISITED 

CHAPTER    I 

THE  FLIGHT  FROM  BUDU 


Walkers  House— Uganda  Implements,  etc.— A  Munificent  Present 
^Disquieting  Tidings— News  of  the  Fight— We  abandon 
Masaha— Pursued  by  former  Friends— Our  Pursuers  defeated 
—A  disturbed  Night— A  Herd  of  Eleven  Elephants— We 
send  urgent  Letters— A  disappoititing  Communication- A 
vast  Host  of  Fugitives— An  unsatisfactory  Interview- 
Grounds  for  Misunderstanding— I  avoid  Kampala. 


1 892] 


CHAPTER    I 

THE  FLIGHT  FROM  BUDU 

I  NOW  take  up  the  story  of  what  occurred  in  the 
province  of  Budu,  on  which  the  Roman  Catholic 
or  French  faction  was  now  concentrating  its  whole 
force  under  the  king.  As  I  have  already  stated,  I  had 
passed  the  mouth  of  the  Kagera  River  on  my  journey 
to  Uganda,  and  had  reached  Budu  on  January  13th; 
and  the  following  day  I  reached  Bali,  the  nearest 
landing-place  for  Masaka,  where  Walker's  mission  was 
established.  Immediately  on  landing  I  sent  messengers 
to  tell  Walker  of  my  arrival  ;  and  he  came  himself 
the  next  day  to  meet  me,  bringing  a  number  of  porters 
to  carry  my  luggage.  Walker  and  I  had  parted  at 
the  south  of  the  Lake  in  1888,  four  years  before, 
and  much  of  what  I  have  related  in  the  former  chapters 
had  taken  place  during  that  period;  Walker  was 
accompanied  by  several  friends  of  mine,  especially  my 
old  boys,  Timoteo  Kaima  and  Jimmy  Kangiri.  My 
camp  was  pitched  upon  a  stretch  of  sand  and  coarse 
grass  just  above  the  beach.*  Soon  we  were  having 
tea  together,  the  pitce  de  resistance  being  a  duck,  which 

*  I  have  made  use  of  my  friend  Walker's  letters  describing 
this  period,  especially  those  in  the  CJiurch  j\Iissio7iary  Society'' s 
Intelligencer. 

261 


262  Walkers  House  [1892 

I  had  had  the  good  fortune  to  shoot  with  a  rifle.  After 
tea  we  started  for  Masaka,  the  capital  of  Budu,  and 
the  headquarters  of  the  Pokino,  known  in  former  days 
as  Sebwato.  We  rested  a  day  on  our  journey,  Sunday, 
January  24th,  the  same  day  that  the  battle  was  taking 
place  at  Mengo.  When  we  finally  reached  Masaka 
we  found  the  house  all  ready  for  us.  Walker  possessed 
but  few  European  articles  of  furniture,  and  did  not 
disdain  to  use  things  of  native  manufacture  ;  and  the 
accompanying  illustration  will  give  some  idea  of  African 
skill  in  its  various  departments.  Zakaria  (now  Kangao) 
was  occupying  the  house  in  Walker's  absence,  and  he 
had  most  thoughtfully  seen  that  boiling  water  was  ready 
for  tea,  and  had  filled  a  large  wooden  trough,*  used 
by  Walker  as  a  bath,  with  water,  Zakaria  would  have 
accompanied  Walker  to  meet  me,  only  he  was  suffering 
from  a  thorn  in  his  foot. 

I  was  soon  shown  to  my  quarters,  two  magnificent 
rooms.  The  house  was  divided  into  six  rooms,  and 
was  the  largest  building  I  had  yet  come  across  in 
Uganda,  with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  great  royal 
houses  which  I  had  seen  in  years  past  at  Mutesa's 
court.  Walker  and  I  had  much  to  talk  of,  and  I  was 
naturally  interested  to  hear  how  my  old  school-fellow 
and  friend.  Captain  Lugard,  was  getting  on  with  the 
people  of  Uganda.  I  had  met  him  at  occasional 
intervals  during  his  active  career  :  after  his  return  from 
Afghanistan,  where  he  had  done  good  service,  and 
amply  fulfilled  the  promise  of  his  younger  days  ;   also 

*  Wooden  trough  called  Lyato  (canoe),  used  for  making 
banana  cider. 


UGANDA    IMPLEMENTS,    UTENSILS,    ETC. 

{For  description,  see  p.  265.) 


1892]  Uganda  Implements,  etc.  265 

on  his  return  from  Nyassa,  where  he  had  been  only 
partially  successful  in  his  campaign  against  the  Arabs, 
owing  to  his  weakness  in  fighting  men,  an  ill-fortune 
which     pursued     him     to    Uganda,    where     the    same 

DESCRIPTION  OF  ARTICLES  ON  PREVIOUS  PAGE. 

1.  Uganda  tobacco  pipe,  black  polished  clay  bowl,  with  white  wood  stem.  The 
hole  is  pierced  through  the  stem  by  means  of  a  hot  iron.  Some  pipe  stems  are 
three  feet  or  more  long. 

The  pipe  below  not  numbered  should  be  also  numbered  "  i." 

2.  Uganda  knife  of  smaller  size,  used  as  a  razor  by  the  women,  who  do  the 
shaving.  All  the  Ba-ganda  men,  women,  and  children  are  shaved  entirely  about 
once  a  month.     The  blade  is  not  steel,  but  only  fine  iron. 

3.  A  small  charm,  entirely*  covered  with  bead  work,  in  blue,  black,  and  white. 

4.  A  round  bracelet,  hollow  slit  all  round  the  outer  side,  made  partly  of  silver 
from  Nubian  dollars,  and  partly  from  copper  exquisitely  soldered  together. 

5.  A  suction  tube,  covered  with  plaited  grass  in  various  colours,  having  a 
strainer  worked  in  grass  at  the  thicker  end.  Used  for  drinking  strong  plantain 
cider  from  the  bottle  gourd  (seen  at  No.  19,  below). 

6.  An  ivory  bracelet,  about  2j  inches  wide.  The  larger  ones  are  worn  on  the 
ankles  also. 

7.  8.  Solid  brass  neck  ornaments,  worn  by. king's  messengers  to  indicate  their 
office. 

9.  Another  variety  of  Uganda  tobacco  pipe,  with  large  ornamented  clay  head  and 
short  white  wood  stem. 

10.  A  woman's  neck  ornament,"made  of  grass,  and  entirely  covered  with  beads  of 
various  colours  in  accurately  worked  patterns. 

11.  A  roughly  made  iron  cowbell,  with  a  thong  of  otter's  fur. 

12.  A  very  old  "  Lubare  shield,"  used  in  the  ancient  witchcraft  of  Uganda. 
This  was  given  by  Nikodemo  Sebwato,  a  Christian  chief,  as  a  specimen  of  what 
once  was  believed  in  bj-  those  of  the  old  heathen  religion. 

13.  A  small  coffee  berry  basket,  as  used  by  a  princess,  exquisitely  made  of 
plaited  grass  of  various  colours.  A  few  raw  dried  coffee  berries  are  used  as  a 
sign  of  good  %vin  on  greeting  a  friend.  The  berries  are  chewed.  The  ordinary 
use  of  coffee  is  not  understood  by  the  Ba-ganda. 

14.  A  strap  or  belt  of  ornamented  leather.  The  pattern  is  worked  on  with  a 
tool,  and  coloured  in  black,  red,  and  white. 

15.  A  chief's  stick  or  club,  about  2  feet  long,  made  of  fine  white  wood.  Worked 
smooth  by  means  of  a  leaf,  which  acts  like  sandpaper. 

16.  The  iron  blade  of  a  spade  or  hoe.  This  variety  is  intended  to  fit  through  a 
hole  in  a  thick  wooden  handle  or  shaft,  in  a  slanting  position. 

17.  A  polished  clay  bottle  or  jug. 

18.  A  small  drinking  cup,  3J  inches  high,  of  the  same  material.  Used  for  extra 
strong  banana  cider  which  has  been  made  with  grain  in  it. 

19.  An  elegant  bottle  for  fermented  drink.  It  is  simplj-  a  gourd  of  natural  shape, 
with  a  ring  of  blue  glass  beads  for  ornament. 

20.  A  drinking  vessel  made  from  a  similar  gourd. 

21.  A  chiefs  shoe  or  sandal  of  ornamented  buffalo  hide. 

22.  A  low  stool,  cut  from  one  piece  of  hard  wood, 'brought  from  Kavirondo. 

23.  A  string  of  Cowrie  shells.  A  hundred  are  in  a  string,  and  equal  sixpence  in 
value. 

24.  A  mallet  cut  from  a   single    piece  of  very  hard   wood.     It  is  used  in  the 


266  A  Munificent  Present  [1892 

weakness  marred  his  success  in  the  somewhat  ambitious 
projects  which  he  entertained. 

The  news  of  my  arrival  spread  through  the  district, 
and,  though  the  kind  old  Pokino  was  not  at  his  capital 
— he  was  at  Mengo  in  attendance  on  the  king — many 
of  the  smaller  chiefs  came  to  see  me,  bringing  presents 
of  bananas  and  goats.  It  was  pleasant  to  meet  many 
familiar  faces  of  men,  now  in  high  positions,  who 
formerly  had  been  nothing  esteemed  in  the  old  heathen 
days  of  Mutesa  and  Mwanga,  One  of  these  kind 
friends  determined  to  present  me  with  a  hundred 
parcels  of  food,  each  carried  by  one  person,  so  that  there 
was  a  time  of  great  plenty  for  the  newly  arrived  guests. 

At   Masaka   I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  an   ideal 


manufacture  of  the  native  bark  cioth,  and  the  ridges  and  grooves  of  the  mallet 
cause  the  peculiar  markings  on  the  bark  cloth. 

25.  A  milk  bowl,  as  used  by  the  Wahuma  or  cattle-herding  people  of  Uganda. 
A  single  piece  of  wood  hollowed  out  quite  thin  by  means  of  an  iron  scoop.  The 
deep  groove  round  it  is  coloured  black,  the  rest  is  smeared  for  daily  use  with 
grey  cla3'.  This  vessel  is  held  between  the  knees  as  the  man  milks  into  its  small 
opening  with  both  hands  at  once.  Burnt  grass  is  put  inside  before  milking,  so  as 
to  give  a  smoky  flavour  to  the  milk,  which  is  moreover  never  used  till  it  has 
turned  sour. 

26.  A  waist  circlet,  for  young  unmarried  girls,  the  only  covering  used  at  this 
age.  This  is  made  of  plaited  palm  leaf,  but  the  upper  classes  would  have  them 
entirely  covered  with  ornamental  beadwork. 

27.  Is  a  waist  girdle,  as  worn  by  baby  girls.  It  is  made  of  pieces  of  round 
wood,  strung  together  and  stained  blnck. 

28.  A  white  wood  hand  drum. 

29.  A  large  drinking  cup  cut  out  of  wood.  This  was  used  as  the  cup  in  the 
administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

30.  A  small  square  of  plaited  palm  leaf,  used  to  place  over  drinking  vessels  in 
order  to  keep  the  flies  and  dust  out.  These  are  made  of  all  sizes,  according  to  the 
vessels  they  belong  to. 

31.  The  mat  on  the  ground  is  one  made  in  Uganda,  and  used  in  the  chiefs' 
houses.  Narrow  strips  of  palm  leaf  are  plaited  into  bands  of  about  an  inch  wide, 
at  times  in  excellent  pattern.  These  bands  are  carried  in  a  spiral  fashion,  and  in 
a  definite  pattern'round  and  round  a  framework,  and  the  edges  of  the  bands  are 
sewn  together  till  a  sort  of  cylinder  is  made  on  the  framework.  This  is  then  cut 
down  length  ways,  and  the  whale  opened  out  flat,  and  bound  with  a  plaited 
binding  all  round  the  edge  of  the  mat. 

B,  VV.  W, 


1892]  Disquieting   Tidings  267 

mission  station,  and,  in  Walker,  a  missionary  who,  in 
a  most  remarkable  degree,  seemed  to  have  grasped, 
and  to  be  carrying  out,  the  true  functions  of  his 
calling. 

I  had  succeeded  in  bringing  the  bicycle  to  Masaka, 
and  it  proved  a  source  of  great  astonishment  to  the 
people,  who  never  tired  of  looking  at  this  new  piece  of 
European   magezi   (cleverness). 

A  few  days  after  my  arrival,  Mr.  F.  C.  Smith,  of 
the  Church  Missionary  Society,  came  in  on  his  way  to 
Kyango,  Zakaria's  chieftainship,  which  was  some 
sixteen  miles  distant  from  Masaka,  and  where  Zakaria, 
like  the  Pokino,  had  built  a  nice  house  and  church. 
Mr.  Smith  hoped  to  remain  with  Zakaria  to  carry  on 
missionary  work  with  him.  Smith  left  us  on  Monday, 
the  25th. 

We  were  some  ninety  miles  distant  from  Mengo, 
and  no  rumours  of  the  war  had  as  yet  reached  us  ; 
but  on  the  evening  of  Monday,  January  25th, 
messengers  arrived  from  the  capital  with  a  letter  from 
the  Katikiro  to  Zakaria,  stating  that  they  were  ex- 
pecting the  French  party  to  attack  every  moment,  and 
saying  that  Lugard  wanted  him  to  come  to  Mengo. 
The  messengers  also  brought  a  hurriedly  written  note 
from  Baskerville  to  Walker,  in  which  he  said  that  war 
was  imminent,  and  that  the  Roman  Catholics  were 
expected  to  take  to  the  islands.  But  there  was  no 
communication  whatever  from  Captain  Lugard.* 

*  In  referring  to  this  crisis  ("  The  Rise  of  our  East  African 
Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  131),  Captain  Lugard  states  that  he  had 
ordered  messengers  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Walker,  in  Budu,  to  warn 


268  News  of  the  Fight  [1892 

Next  day,  the  26th,  I  had  intended  to  start  for 
Mengo,  and  Walker  was  hoping  to  set  me  on  my  way. 
Some  men,  who  were  going  to  carry  my  loads,  had 
arrived,  when  a  man  came  who  brought  news  from 
Mengo  of  the  fighting  which  had  taken  place.  This 
upset  our  plans,  and  we  waited,  expecting  messengers 
every  moment  from  Captain  Lugard.  Walker  sent  a 
verbal  message  to  the  Company's  garrison  at  Bujaju, 
on  the  Lake,  asking  the  soldiers  to  come  and  help  us. 
They  sent  back  to  say  they  dare  not  leave  their  fort 
without  orders.  At  eight  o'clock  the  same  evening  a 
number  of  sub-chiefs  and  church  elders  came  in  to 
say  that  the  situation  was  very  serious,  that   the  whole 

him ;  but  in  the  next  paragraph  he  excuses  his  own  neglect  of 
sending  any  warning  by  saying  it  would  have  been  worse  than  folly 
on  each  occasion  of  such  crises  to  have  sent  alarming  messages 
to  Budu.  But  if  so,  why  did  he  order  messengers  to  be  sent  to 
warn  Mr.  Walker  ? 

His  omitting  to  send  any  warning  himself  to  his  countrymen 
in  Budu  was  the  more  notable  since  he  had  already  gone  so 
far  as  to  begin  arming  the  English  faction  in  view  of  the  imminent 
war — a  step  which  he  had  never  even  contemplated  in  the  former 
crises,  while  a  month  before  he  had  repudiated  such  a  possibility 
as  monstrous.  His  action  at  this  time  showed  clearly  that  he 
viewed  the  present  crisis  in  a  verj'  different  light  from  any  of  the 
former  troubles.  Though  no  doubt  strain  and  worry  may  be 
pleaded  as  an  excuse,  his  further  omission  to  warn  his  own 
garrison  of  Sudanese  in  Budu,  under  Ferag  Effendi,  was  a 
serious  omission  of  a  similar  kind,  which,  but  for  the  courage 
and  devotion  shown  by  these  men,  would  have  resulted  in  their 
annihilation.  Their  soldierly  instincts  and  high  ideal  of  dis- 
cipline forbade  their  joining  Walker  and  me  at  Masaka,  or  even 
evacuating  the  station,  without  orders  from  their  superior  officer, 
till  absolutely  forced  to  do  so  by  the  enemy.  These  orders  were 
never  sent,  and  it  was  only  by  their  valour  that  they  fought  their 
way  up  to  Mengo  through  the  hostile  host  of  the  French  faction. 


1892]  We  abandon  Masaka  269 

defeated  Roman  Catholic  faction  intended  to  occupy 
Budu,  and  that  we  stood  in  the  very  gravest  danger 
of  being  caught  between  the  French  party  already  in 
Budu  and  the  main  party,  who  were  coming  to  occupy 
the  whole  country,  and  that  we  had  better  leave 
Masaka  at  once  and  make  our  escape.  We  therefore 
packed  up  a  few  things,  and  made  ready  for  an  early 
start  next  morning.  At  1 1  P.M.  the  same  night 
Walker  wrote  to  the  soldiers  at  Bujaju,  telling  thern 
of  the  war,  and  that  Captain  Lugard  had  armed  the 
English  faction,  and  was  therefore  fighting  against  the 
French  faction,  and  again  asking  them  to  come  to  our 
assistance. 

Next  morning  we  left  Masaka,  abandoning  all  our 
belongings,  and  marched  some  dozen  miles  to  the 
place  of  a  chief  called  Kalunda,  where  next  day 
Zakaria  joined  us,  with  Smith.  Zakaria  brought  on  a 
bale  or  two  of  cloth  and  a  few  other  things,  but  most 
of  our  possessions  remained  behind,  and  were  quickly 
looted  by  the  French  faction,  who  were  up  in  arms. 
As  we  slowly  withdrew  from  a  province  which  had 
now  become  wholly  "  French,"  we  were  followed  by  a 
vast  host  of  people,  including  women,  children,  sick 
folk,  and  blind  people.  We  were  being  pursued  by 
the  Roman  Catholics,  who  had  drawn  to  a  head,  and 
who  intended  to  attack  us  in  the  rear.  The  chiefs, 
Katabalwa,  Kajarero,  and  Mubinge,  were  the  principal 
"French"  leaders  in  Budu.  Ordinarily  Budu  was  the 
stronghold  of  the  English  faction  ;  but  the  absence  of 
the  Pokino  at  the  capital  had  greatly  weakened  its 
fighting  strength,     Kajerero,  whose  name  was  Nantinda, 


270  Pursued  by  Former  Frieiids  [1892 

was  a  man  greatly  liked  and  respected  by  the  Protestant 
chiefs.        He,    with    Mika     Sematimba,    a    Protestant, 
had    frequently  been    a    king's    messenger,    appointed 
to     take     charge     of    Europeans     either     leaving     or 
arriving    at  Uganda  in   canoes.        In    this    capacity   I 
had    made  his  acquaintance  some  years  before,  while 
Mubinge  had  only  a  few  days  previously  come  to  see 
me  at  Masaka,  bringing  me  a  present.      He  had  been 
an  old  pupil  of  mine,  but  had  received  an  office  which 
brought  him  under  the  influence  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Katikiro,  the  young  Confessor  Honorat,  who  had   been 
killed    fighting  against  the  Muhammedans.      Mubinge 
had  welcomed   me  most  kindly,  and   it  v/as  a  melan- 
choly reflection  that  this  miserable  outbreak  had  made  it 
necessary  for  these  kindly  friends  to  follow  us  now  with 
arms  in  their  hands.     We  had  left  Masaka  on  Wednes- 
day, and  on   Friday  the   enemy  came  upon   our  rear. 
Walker  and  Smith  and  I  were  well  in  front  of  the  host 
of   fugitives.      Our  way  lay  through   a    rich    country, 
rising  here  and   there   into  hills,  at  the  base  of  which 
were  swamps.      There  had   been  a  great  deal  of  rain 
this  year — much  more  than  usual — which  had  made  the 
swamps  particularly  unpleasant.      At  about  10  A.M.  the 
word   was  passed   along  that  there   was    firing    in    the 
rear,  and  we  heard  the  distant  report  of  guns.      Zakaria, 
Mubanda,  and  Thomas  Mukisi,  who  was  head  of  the 
Baganda    soldiers    of    Budu,    with    some    two   hundred 
guns,  many  of  them   breech-loaders,  were  guarding  the 
rear  of  the  retreating   Protestants.      As  soon   as  they 
heard  the  firing,  many  of  the  terrified  women,  in  order 
to  expedite  their  movements,  threw  down  their  goods, 


1^92]  Our  Pursuers  Defeated  271 

which     were     immediately      looted     by     some     more 
courageous  and   less  burdened  wayfarers. 

"  We  went  on  a  little  further  and  then  halted,  in  order 
to  help  our  brave  rear-guard  in  case  they  were  obliged 
to  retire  before  the  enemy.  But  there  seemed  to  be 
no  signs  of  people  in  flight,  so,  after  waiting  more  than 
an  hour  on  the  qui  vive,  we  retired  to  a  house,  and  lay 
down  to  rest.  At  about  4  P.M.  Zakaria  came  in  to 
tell  us  that  the  Roman  Catholics,  under  the  chiefs 
Kajerero  and  Mubinge,  had  made  a  determined  attack. 
There  had  been  a  sharp  fight,  but  Kajerero  himself  had 
been  killed,  with  ten  of  his  followers,  and  the  rest  had 
then  taken  to  flight.  Two  prisoners  were  taken.  One 
of  our  men  was  shot  in  the  arm,  but  the  wound  was 
trifling.  We  learnt  afterwards  that  Nantinda  Kajerero 
had  been  very  much  averse  to  making  the  attack,  but 
that  his  people  had  accused  him  of  cowardice.  The 
death  of  Kajerero,  however,  seems  to  have  averted 
further  fighting,  for  we  now  heard  that  Katabalwa,  the 
second  chief  in  Budu,*  who  had  been  coming  to  attack 
us  on  another  road,  hearing  of  the  defeat  of  Kajerero, 
had  abandoned  the  enterprise,  and  quietly  went  to  con- 
duct the  obsequies  of  the  fallen  chief  with  due  honour. 
I  think  they  did  not  care  to  try  conclusions  with  the 
enemy  who  had  so  gallantly  repulsed  the  first  attack. 

The    night    after    this    engagement,    while  we  were 
still  expecting  Katabalwa's  attack,  we  received  a  fright 

*  The  inferior  chief  in  most  cases  is  said  to  be  the  Mumyuka 
of  the  man  directly  above  him.  Thus  Pokino  was  the  Mutuba 
Muto  of  Uganda,  Katabalwa  Mumyuka,  Kalunda,  the  third  chief, 
was  Mumyuka  of  Katabalwa,  and  a  Protestant.  The  fourth  chief 
was  Kajerero,  whose  Mumyuka  was  Kagoro  Zakaria. 


272  A  Disturbed  Night  [1892 

which  I  think  we  shall  not  soon  forget.      Walker  and 
Smith  and  I,  and  some  of  our  immediate  friends  and 
followers,  were  sleeping  in  a  house  where  the  camp  for 
the    night    was    pitched.      We   were    all    asleep,   when 
suddenly  Walker  was  awakened  by  hearing  a  shrill  cry 
which  swelled  into  the  hum  of  many  voices  shouting. 
Then  he  heard   the  people  who  were    camped   in   the 
vicinity  of  our  hut  buckling  on   their  cartridge   belts. 
Walker  immediately  began  to  dress  himself,  and  as  he 
was   doing   so   he   heard    a  gun  go  off.       He  at  once 
shouted  to  me,  so   I   hurriedly  put  on   my  clothes  and 
Smith  did  the  same,  while  Mika  Sematimba  went  out 
to  see  what  was  the  matter.      He  soon  returned  to  tell 
us  it  was  only  a  leopard.      I   gathered   afterwards  that, 
in  reality,  the  disturbance  had  been  caused  by  a  dog 
which  came  sniffing  round  one  of  the  huts,  and  that  a 
man,   mistaking   it   for  a    leopard,    fired    his   gun,   but 
killed  his  wife  who  was  sleeping  near.      I   never  saw 
the  man  ;  but  in  such  a  vast  host,  and  at  a  time  like 
that,    such    an  incident  does    not  make    a    very  deep 
impression,  especially  if  one  only  hears   about  it  and 
does  not  see  the  dead  body  or  the   unhappy  author  of 
the  tragedy.      At  any  rate,  whatever  caused   the  com- 
motion, it  was  not  the  enemy,  so  we  all   lay  down   to 
resume  our  sleep  so  rudely  broken. 

We  had  not  been  quiet  very  long  when  we  were 
awakened  by  the  door  of  the  hut  being  suddenly 
dashed  inwards,  and  by  the  sudden  rush  into  our  sleep- 
ing place  of  what  we  supposed  was  Katabalwa's  hostile 
followers,  who  must  have  crept  up  unseen  to  the  house 
where  the    English  missionaries    were   collected.      We 


1892]  A  Herd  of  Eleven  Elephants  273 

were  caught  in  a  trap,  and  escape  seemed  hopeless. 
These  thoughts  flashed  through  my  mind.  I  was  up  in 
an  instant,  groping  for  my  rifle,  and  expecting  every 
second  to  see  the  flash  of  a  dozen  guns  fired  by  our  foes. 
There  was  nothing  of  the  kind.  The  mystery  was 
explained  next  moment  by  one  of  the  boys,  who  said 
"  Emboozi  "  ("  It's  the  goats  ").  I  struck  a  match,  and 
found  it  was  even  so.  Walker  and  Smith  had  both 
jumped  out  of  bed  as  soon  as  they  heard  the  scuffling 
and  bumping  in  the  hut.  The  goats  were  always 
accustomed  to  sleep  at  night  in  the  houses,  and  not 
liking  to  be  left  outside,  had  taken  the  matter  into 
their  own  heads,  and  butted  open  the  door  of  the  hut 
where  we  were,  and  had  knocked  down  a  chair  against 
which  my  rifle  was  leaning.  Once  more  we  resumed 
our  efforts  at  sleeping ;  but  were  not  sorry  when  day- 
light broke,  when  at  least  we  should  be  able  to  see 
the  disturbers  of  our  peace,  in  whatever  shape  they 
appeared. 

This  day  we  had  to  cross  the  Katonga,  which  is 
merely  one  of  the  river  swamps  not  uncommon  in 
Uganda.  That  is  to  say,  a  swamp  with  a  slow  current. 
On  reaching  the  bank  of  the  river  or  swamp  we  saw 
a  herd  of  eleven  elephants,  the  first  I  had  ever  seen 
in  Africa.  We  were  warned  not  to  fire  at  them, 
as  the  shots  would  mislead  our  friends  in  the  rear 
into  supposing  that  we  were  engaging  the  enemy.  The 
young  chief,  Samwili  Mwemba,  who  had  come  as  far 
as  Masaka  to  meet  me,  now  took  some  men  to 
reconnoitre  the  path  in  front.  Finding  no  trace  of  the 
opposing  faction  we  then  advanced,  and  slept  that  night 

18 


2  74  ^'^^  JT^;/^   Urgent  Letters  [1892 

in  what  had  formerly  been  a  flourishing  village  and 
plantation  ;  but  it  had  been  raided  by  the  Muham- 
medans,  and  what  the  Muhammedans  had  spared  the 
elephants  had  finished.  It  was  an  extraordinary  sight 
to  see  the  havoc  these  mighty  creatures  had  made, 
uprooting  trees  of  considerable  size  in  their  rude 
gambols. 

The  chiefs  always  built  a  large  and  commodious  hut 
for  Walker  and  Smith  and  me  when  we  came  to  any 
place  where  there  were  no  houses.  At  this  camp,  on 
January  30th,  we  sent  off  most  urgent  letters  to 
Captain  Lugard,  telling  him  of  our  critical  position, 
and  of  our  being  on  the  road  to  Mengo,  and  asking 
for  help.  Captain  Lugard  received  these  letters  on 
February  3rd,  but  before  the  receipt  of  our  first  letter 
of  January  28th,  he  had  written  on  the  27th  of  the 
same  month  saying  he  feared  we  should  be  overpowered 
in  Budu,  as  the  Roman  Catholics  were  going  down 
that  way.  This  shows  that  he  thoroughly  realised  our 
dangerous  position,  yet  he  did  not  see  his  way  to 
send  any  of  his  officers  or  men  to  our  assistance. 

On  Monday,  February  ist,  we  received  Lugard's 
letter  of  January  27th.  It  was  of  the  most  dis- 
appointing character.  Walker,  in  referring  to  it,  wrote, 
"  He  sent  us  no  help,  not  even  a  box  of  caps." 

He  did,  however,  make  some  tardy  endeavour  to 
render  assistance  to  his  own  garrison  at  Bujaju.  This 
garrison,  I  may  mention,  would  not  follow  Walker's 
suggestion  that  they  should  join  us,  but  preferred  to 
wait  for  orders  from  headquarters.  The  difficulty 
of  communication  does  not  seem  to  have  been  so  great 


1892]  A  Disappointing  Communication        275 

as  Lugard  imagined,  since  the  Pokino  sent  messengers, 
who  had  reached  us  the  day  after  we  left  Masaka, 
carrying  letters  to  the  Protestant  chiefs  bidding  them 
take  the  greatest  care  of  the  missionaries,  and  to  regard 
nothing  in  comparison  of  our  lives. 

The  result  of  the  Pokino's  letter  was  that  our  willing 
offer  to  assist  in  guarding  the  rear  was  utterly  scouted 
by  our  faithful  friends,  who  would  not  hear  of  our  doing 
so.  We  came  on  slowly  towards  Mengo,  passing,  in 
the  distance,  the  Mukwenda's  headquarters  at  Singo 
and  the  picturesque  lakelet  on  the  shores  of  which  his 
capital  is  situated. 

As  we  drew  nearer  the  capital  we  made  shorter 
marches  ;  for  the  people  were  worn  out  and  weary  with 
the  fatigues  of  the  long  journey,  and  they  were  often 
walking  knee  deep  in  swamp.  On  February  2nd  we 
were  momentarily,  until  we  had  opened  it,  cheered 
by  again  receiving  a  letter  from  Lugard.  It  was  a 
long  letter,  principally  taken  up  with  blaming  Walker 
for  his  message  to  Ferag  Effendi  and  his  garrison  at 
Bujaju,  though  Walker's  proposal  that  the  garrison 
should  effect  a  junction  with  us  at  Masaka  was  the 
very  wisest  possible.  Lugard,  in  excusing  his  failure 
to  assist  us,  has  argued  that  he  could  not  pass  the 
army  of  the  hostile  French  fraction  concentrated 
between  Mengo  and  Masaka ;  but  this  is  not  sound, 
since  sixty  rifles  under  a  European  officer  and  three 
or  four  small  boxes  of  ammunition  could  easily  have 
reached  us,  and  would  have  made  us  strong  enough  to 
meet  the  hostile  army,  encumbered  as  it  was  with  women 
and   children,  had   it  fallen    in    with    us.      As    it   was. 


276  A    Vast  Host  of  Fugitives  [1892 

however,  we  had  providentially  avoided  the  main 
body  ;  but  that  same  evening  we  heard  firing,  which 
turned  out  to  be  the  end  of  a  desultory  attack  made 
by  the  Protestant  Chief  Mulondo  on  the  retreating 
rear-guard  of  an  exodus  of  Roman  Catholics  similar 
to  our  own,  which  had  taken  place  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  province  of  Kyagwe,  under  the  Sekibobo,  a 
chief  of  the  French  faction.  We  were  encamped  on 
the  summit  of  some  low  hills  while  the  vast  host  of  the 
retreating  fugitives  wound  their  way  through  the  valley 
in  the  dark.  At  intervals,  people  carried  flaring  torches 
to  show  the  path.  Though  they  had  more  guns  than 
our  rear-guard  they  never  thought  of  attacking  us, 
being  only  anxious  to  put  as  great  a  distance  between 
themselves  and  Mulondo's  rifles  as  was  posssible. 
Walker  and  I,  with  our  friends  about  us  and  rifles  in 
hand,  waited  outside  the  house  where  we  were  staying 
until  the  hum  of  the  receding  host  became  silent  and 
the  flashing  torches  disappeared  in  the  distance.  Next 
day  we  saw  the  wide  pathway  which  the  retreating 
Roman  Catholics  had  trampled  out  in  the  grass.  A 
wounded  man  lying  in  a  house  near  at  hand  gave  us  an 
account  of  the  yesterday's  fight,  which  led  us  to  infer 
that  the  Protestants  had  been  several  times  repulsed. 

On  February  4th  we  reached  the  Pokino's  camp. 
He  and  the  Kitunzi  and  some  others  had  come  out  thus 
far  in  order  to  settle  the  fugitives  in  places  where  they 
might  obtain  food  and  cultivate  the  ground.  There 
was  one  circumstance  which  mitigated  in  a  great  degree 
the  sufferings  of  those  compelled  to  take  part  in  these 
migrations  of  which   I   am  speaking,  and  that  was,  the 


1892]  An    Unsatisfactory  Interview  277 

extraordinary  amount  of  food   in  the  country  owing  to 
the  quantity  of  rain  which  had  fallen  this  year.* 

All  fear  of  attack  was  now  at  an  end,  and  Walker, 
Smith,  and  I  continued  our  journey  to  Mengo,  which 
we  reached  on  February  8th.  I  have  not  mentioned 
what  was  perhaps  one  of  the  most  serious  dangers 
which  threatened  us,  and  which,  by  the  good  hand  of 
God  upon  us,  we  entirely  escaped  ;  and  this  was  an 
attack  from  the  hostile  Muhammedan  faction,  which 
was  expected  every  day  to  appear  upon  the  frontiers 
of  Uganda.  Our  fellow-missionaries  gave  us  a  warm 
welcome,  and  we  were  accommodated  in  a  house  lately 
vacated  by  a  chief  of  the  French  faction. 

Next  day  we  visited  Captain  Lugard  ;  but  the 
interview  was  not  satisfactory.  I  complained  that  we 
had  received  from  him  neither  information  nor  help. 
He  excused  his  action  on  the  ground  of  the  difficulty 
of  his  own  position,  but  expressed  sympathy  with  us  in 
the  loss  of  our  goods,  and  promised  to  do  all  in  his 
power  to  obtain  compensation  for  us  from  the  Company.t 

*  In  Egypt  in  1892  the  Nile  was  unusually  high. 

t  Captain  Lugard's  subsequent  statements  upon  the  action  of 
the  Church  Missionary  Society's  Mission  in  reference  to  the 
question  of  compensation  are  hardly  correct  {^see  p.  36,  vol.  ii., 
line  4),  the  only  action  taken  by  the  missionaries  being  to  send 
home  a  statement  of  losses,  leaving  it  with  their  agents  to  consult 
with  the  Church  Missionary  Society  Committee  whether  any  claim 
should  be  submitted  to  the  Company.  Captain  Lugard  subse- 
quently, quite  spontaneously,  asked  for  a  statement  of  the  losses, 
and  himself  submitted  them  to  the  Directors  of  the  Company, 
who  entirely  refused  to  compensate  the  missionaries  for  their 
personal  losses.  This  Company  had  nevertheless  received  ^16,000 
from  the  supporters  of  missions  to  help  its  finances. 


278  Grounds  for  Misunderstanding  [1892 

My  communications  with  the  Company's  representative 
were  estabHshed,  from  the  very  beginning,  on  an  un- 
satisfactory basis  ;  but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  good 
deal  of  the  misunderstanding  that  followed  arose  from 
Lugard's  theory  as  to  the  position  in  the  country  of  the 
missionaries,  and  his  dislike  of  in  any  way  admitting 
them  to  his  counsels.  The  reasons  for  this  he  has 
specifically  stated,  (i)  He  asserts  that  the  mission- 
aries were  completely  ex-parte  advocates,  and  vehemently 
prejudiced  against  the  opposite  faction.  (2)  Such  a 
course  would  have  lent  soms  grounds  for  the  assertion 
made  by  the  French  bishop,  that  the  Company  was 
under  the  influence  of  the  English  mission.  (3)  He 
did  not  consider  that  the  duties  of  missionaries  included 
political  action. 

With  regard  to  number  one,  it  is  obvious  that  the 
missionaries  were  never  credited  with  the  smallest  desire 
of  looking  at  the  question  in  any  but  the  most  bigoted 
and  illiberal  manner.  The  Catholic  Union  is  more 
just  in  dealing  with  this  matter  than  was  the  Protestant 
Captain  Lugard,  for  on  p.  27  of  "  Notes  on  Uganda  "  it 
draws  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  were  in  Uganda 
educated  European  gentlemen,  missionaries  of  either 
creed,  who  had  influence  over  their  followers,  and 
deprecates  the  fact  that  the  reports  of  the  Company  do 
not  show  any  real  attempt  was  ever  made  to  bring 
these  gentlemen  together  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Company. 

And  with  regard  to  the  second  point,  Captain  Lugard 
had  no  scruples  of  the  kind  when  he  found  it  convenient 
to  officially  employ  the  French   missionaries  as  envoys 


1892]  /  avoid  Kmnpala  279 

to  the  king — a  course  of  action  which  would  have 
been  quite  unobjectionable  per  se  had  it  not  been  so 
entirely  opposed  to  his  own  views  of  what  his  duty  was, 
and  inconsistent  with  the  somewhat  narrow  theories  he 
so  dogmatically  lays  down. 

The  result  of  this  was,  that  I  never  went  to  Kampala 
Fort  to  discuss  any  matter  connected  with  politics  unless 
by  invitation.  Captain  Lugard  was  well  aware  that 
the  chiefs  of  both  factions  discussed  every  matter  with 
the  missionaries.  I  told  him  this  in  the  most  explicit 
terms,  and  assured  him  of  the  influence  that  the 
missionaries  held.  I  told  him  that  whenever  he  wished 
to  see  us  we  would  most  gladly  place  our  time  at  his 
disposal,  and  use  our  influence  as  far  as  possible  to 
further  his  plans.  If  he  consistently  kept  us  in  the 
completest  ignorance  of  what  these  plans  were,  it  is  no 
wonder  that  he  wofully  diminished  our  power  of  being 
useful  to  him. 


CHAPTER    II 
ENGLISH  INTERESTS  AND   GERMAN  OFFICIALS 


Kilkne  causes  the  Retirement  of  English  Canoes — The  German 
plays  a  double  Ga?ne — The  Reason  for  Baggers  Hosts  hurrying 
his  Departure — Reason  for  the  German  Officer's  Position — 
Lugard  questions  us  as  to  our  Conversation  with  the  Priests — 
Valuable  Caravan  left  with  the  Germans — Mr.  Kilhne  gives 
the  Loads  to  irresponsible  Natives — Mr.  Kuhne's  Failure  to 
ascertain  their  Bond-fides —  The  Co7}ipany  fine  their  own  Ally 
— Kilhne  secures  the  complete  Failure  of  Captain  Williams' 
Mission — Langheld  suddenly  ceases  to  check  Import  of  Guns — 
Cumulative  Evidence  of  Germaji  Hostility. 


i892] 


CHAPTER    II 

ENGLISH  INTERESTS  AND   GERMAN    OFFICIALS 

AFTER  his  flight  from  BuHnguge,  Mwanga,  as  we 
have  seen,  made  his  way  south  in  company  with 
Monseigneur  Hirth.  They  appear  to  have  been  pursued 
by  Protestant  canoes,  and  were  nearly  captured,  until 
saved  by  M.  Kuhne,  a  German  officer,  who  suddenly 
appeared  on  the  scene  as  a  dens  ex  inachina  to  snatch 
Mwanga  from  the  hands  of  the  Protestants,  and  to  cause 
all  the  canoes  in  the  service  of  the  English  Company  to 
retire.  Mwanga's  life  was  in  no  kind  of  danger  from  his 
pursuers,  for  they  were  most  keenly  anxious  Lo  catch 
him  alive  and  to  restore  him  to  his  kingdom.  The 
Ba-ganda  do  not  kill  their  kings.  And  Mwanga 
himself  formerly,  when  Kiwewa  was  made  king,  was 
allowed  to  escape  unscathed.  It  is  extremely  in- 
teresting to  trace  the  action  of  this  German  non- 
commissioned officer  all  through,  and  to  notice  his 
attitude  towards  the  English.  According  to  Lugard's 
account  he  had  been  sent  by  his  superior  officer, 
Captain  Langheld,  with  Mr.  Bagge,  one  of  the 
Company's    agents,    to    see   the    representative    of   the 

English    Company  on   some  matters.       But  his  whole 

283 


284       Kilhne  causes  Retirement  of  Canoes        [1892 

action  points  to  some  other  motive  than  a  visit  on 
business  to  the  English  Company — a  motive  which 
may  be  judged  by  his  consistent  hostility  to  English 
interests.  They  travelled  together,  Mr.  Bagge  in  the 
Company's  steel  boat,  which  he  commanded,  and 
M.  Kiihne  in  canoes,  with  a  number  of  soldiers. 
They  reached  the  coast  of  Uganda  at  Luwambu,  the 
straits  between  Sesse  Island  and  the  mainland,  the 
very  day  Mwanga  fled  from  Bulinguge. 

It  is  to  be  presumed  that  it  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Kiihne  effected  the  rescue  of  the  king  and 
Bishop  Hirth,  and  caused  "  all  the  canoes  in  the 
service  of  the  English  Company  to  retire."*  He 
was  able  to  do  this  without  Bagge's  knowledge,  since 
the  German's  canoes  travelled  much  faster  than 
Bagge's  boat,  and  the  Englishman  was  therefore  far 
behind. 

As  soon  as  Bagge  came  up  it  was  arranged  that 
the  German  should  land  on  the  north-west  shore  of 
Sesse  Island  where  the  king  and  French  bisJiop  now 
were.f  Kiihne  accordingly  landed,  but  came  back 
secretly  at  night,  and  told  Bagge  to  return  to  Bukoba 
as  fast  as  possible,  as  his  life  was  in  danger.  He 
tells  Bagge  nothing,  be  it  observed,  about  the  presence 
of  the    French    bishop,  or,  as    far   as   one    can    gather 

*  Pere  Couillard,  writing-  on  February  i6th,  mentions  Kiihne's 
meeting  with  Mwanga  and  Monseigneur  Hirth,  but  Lugard 
knows  nothing  of  any  such  meeting  between  the  two.  Mr. 
Bagge  evidently  knew  nothing  of  it,  and,  as  Lugard's  account 
makes  it  very  evident,  was  not  told  of  it. 

t  See  the  bishop's  letter  in  Tablet,  June  4th,  1892,  stating 
that  he  had  reached  Sesse  with  the  king. 


1892]         The  German  plays  a  Double  Game        285 

from  Lugard's  account,  of  the  king.      Bagge  accordingly- 
hurried  back  to  Bukoba,  leaving  Kiihne  behind. 

At  this  juncture  Stokes'  boat  happened  to  pass  by 
on  her  way  to  Uganda,  and  the  captain,  seeing  Kiihne's 
German  flag  on  Sesse,  put  into  the  island,  when  the 
boat  was  instantly  seized  by  Mwanga's  people.  Kiihne 
stated  that  he  had  saved  it  from  being  burnt  by  the 
king,  who,  by  the  way,  had  everything  to  lose  by 
quarrelling  with  Stokes,  from  whom  he  hoped  to  buy 
ammunition.  The  saving  of  the  boat  for  any  other 
purpose  than  because  the  Germans  happened  to  want 
it  is  most  doubtful.  At  any  rate,  they  kept  it  for 
a  considerable  time,  and  Stokes  had  some  little  diffi- 
culty in  recovering  it.  Captain  Lugard's  own  account 
of  Bagge's  adventure  is  remarkable,  since  it  displays 
the  completest  confidence  in  the  German,  who  was 
all  the  time  playing  a  diplomatic  and  double  game. 
Thus  Lugard  tells  us  that  on  this  occasion  Kiihne 
"  himself  ran  a  considerable  risk.  The  feeling  against 
Europeans  ran  so  high  that  he  saw  it  was  best  to 
clear  out  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  this  even  though 
Mwanga  looks  to  the  Germans  to  help  him  and  lend 
him  a  cannon "  (Diary).*  Lugard  evidently  knew 
nothing  of  the  coincidence  of  Mwanga's  sudden  hopel 
in  the  Germans  with  his  meeting  Kiihne. 

But  to  continue  Bagge's  adventures.  He  reached 
Bukoba  again  on  February  5  th,  -and  was  warmly 
welcomed  by  the  Germans.  Kiihne,  he  found,  had 
already  come  in,  having  passed  him  in  his  swift 
canoes.  Three  days  later  the  French  bishop  arrived 
*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  373. 


2  86        Bagges  Hosts  Jnu^rying  Departure         [1892 

From  him,  however,  Bagge  learned  httle.  But  "  the 
Germans,  on  the  ground  of  their  deep  distrust  of  the 
French  bishop,  after  dinner  that  evening  of  February 
8th,  advised  Bagge  to  start  off  at  once  by  night,  and 
escape,  lest  any  harm  should  be  done  to  him."  * 

Bagge  took  the  advice,  and  left  without  opportunity 
for  conversing  with  any  of  the  Baganda  or  for  his 
men  to  gossip.  It  is  evident  that  Bagge  could  not 
have  been  in  any  great  danger  from  the  bishop  ;  he 
was  the  guest  of  the  Germans,  who  had  a  very  strong 
fort,  two  machine  guns,  and  plenty  of  repeating  rifles. 
It  seems  strange  indeed  that  Bagge  should  have  been 
hurried  off  because  he  was  in  danger.  The  reason 
for  his  hosts  hurrying  his  departure  is  probably  what 
I  have  stated,  that  he  might  not  hear  the  explanation 
of  Mwanga's  looking  to  the  Germans  to  help  him  and 
lend  him  a  cannon,  or  of  any  negotiations  between 
the  Germans  on  the  one  side,  and  the  French  bishop 
and  king  on  the  other.  Mwanga,  at  this  time, 
was  at  Mutatembwa's,  the  chief  mentioned  at  p.  45, 
as  an  honoured  guest.  The  Germans  were  hated  and 
disliked  by  Mutatembwa,  with  whom  they  had  lately 
fought.  This  chief  had  fully  three  thousand  fighting 
men,  but  the  Germans'  machine  gun  and  repeating 
rifles  had  indeed  given  them  victory  ;  but  if  Mwanga 
formed  an  alliance  with  him  backed  up  with  the  moral 
support  of  a  dozen  Europeans  and  two  thousand  rifles, 
and  reckoning  Kamswaga  of  Koki's  nearer  three 
thousand,  it  might  cause  the  utter  overthrow  of  German 
influence  on  the  Nyanza. 

•  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  iv.,  p.  374. 


1892]       Reason  for  German  Officers  Position    287 

No  doubt  this  question  had  been  carefully  considered 
by  the  Germans.  The  whole  of  that  western  part 
of  the  Nyanza  owned  Mwanga  as  over-lord,  and  it 
was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  the  Germans  could  H 
prevent  its  paying  tribute.  Mutatembwa,  Mukotanyi, 
Nyalubamba,  Kahigi,  might  all  be  likely  to  join  against 
the  hated  Badaki  (Germans)  if  Mwanga  were  to  fight 
against  them.  It  is  not  inconceivable  that  some  six 
to  ten  thousand  men  armed  with  guns  could  have  been 
put  into  the  field,  besides  many  thousands  of  spear-men. 

It  is  therefore  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the  German 
officers  considered  it  to  their  own  interest  not  to  offend 
Mwanga,  while  they  wished  to  keep  at  the  same  time 
on  good  terms  with  the  English. 

The  fact  that  the  question  of  German  help  was 
seriously  considered  by  Mwanga's  advisers  gains  further 
curious  confirmation  from  a  conversation  which  the 
English  missionaries  held  with  the  French  fathers  during 
a  visit  which  the  latter  paid  them,  and  when,  over  a 
friendly  cup  of  coffee,  the  events  which  had  just  taken 
place,  and  which  so  deeply  interested  us  all,  were 
discussed. 

We  spoke  together  in  Swahili  quite  unreservedly. 
Both  the  French  and  English  missionaries  had  grievances/' 
against  the  Company's  representatives  which  it  ist 
needless  to  particularise.  And  both  highly  disapproved 
of  the  vacillation  of  their  policy.  In  the  course  of 
conversation,  however,  the  fathers  astonished  us  by 
saying  that  Mwanga  would  probably  go  to  Bukoba  and 
offer  his  kingdom  to  the  Germans.  Walker  said  he 
thought  these  latter  could  not  take  Uganda — meaning' 


\ 


288  Lugard  Questions  2ts  as  to  Conversation       [1892 

/t  * 

^    !   that    by   the   Anglo-German    agreement    Uganda    had 

,V^    VI  fallen    to   the    English   sphere.      The   reply  given   was 

"^        \   that  the  Germans  had  one  hundred  and  thirty  magazine 

~^-^  rifles,  and  that  if  they  succeeded  in  taking  the  country 

J>^  i\\Q  home  government  would  applaud  them.      Roscoe, 

Walker,  and   I  understood  this  as  being  the  tenor  of 

f  what  was    said.      It  appears  that  the  father  superior, 

Pere  Guillermain,  has  since  denied   that  this  was  the 

sense  of  what  was  said.      The   Catholic  Union  omits, 

however,    to    supply    an    alternative    version    of    what 

passed.      I  have  therefore  retained   my  own  report  of 

the  conversation  as  I  wrote  it  down  at  the  time. 

The  visit  from  the  French  Peres  took  place  on  the 
I  ith.  The  next  day  I  went  up  to  see  Captain  Lugard 
on  the  question  of  a  mission  being  opened  in  Usoga, 
but  did  not  speak  of  the  conversation  with  the  priests. 
It  was  Dr.  Wright  who  happened  to  mention  something 
of  what  had  passed  when  he  went  up  to  Kampala  to 
attend  the  wounded  men.  The  same  night  a  note 
came  down  from  Lugard  asking  us  to  go  up  and 
explain  what  Dr.  Wright  had  said.  So  next  morning 
Walker,  Roscce,  and  I  took  our  way  to  Kampala  to 
see  Captain  Lugard.  We  said  that  what  I  have 
written  above  was  to  the  best  of  our  recollection  what 
the  priests  had  asserted,  and  it  had  caused  us  unfeigned 
astonishment.  "  Would  I  write  it  down  .' "  he  asked. 
I  demurred  to  this  ;  but  in  the  end  Roscoe  said  he 
I  had  no  objection  to  doing  so.  I  felt  it  was  not  fair  to 
make  an  official  report  of  what  was  merely  a  friendly 
conversation.  Lugard,  however,  then  said  that  the 
statement   had    so    dwindled   down   from   what   he   had 


1892]        Valuable  Caravan  left  with  Germans    289 

imagined,  that  it  was  not  worth  putting  on  paper, 
There  was  no  particular  harm  in  the  statement,  and 
perhaps  not  an  unnatural  one  to  make,  and  therefore 
I  have  little  doubt  in  my  own  mind  that  something 
very  similar  to  it  was  really  said.  Indeed,  what  we 
reported  has  further  confirmation  from  Lugard  himself, 
who  describes  himself  as  saying  to  Pere  Guillermain, 
"  I  pointed  out  to  the  father  superior,  in  conversation, 
that  it  was  unlikely  that  the  Germans  would  be  anxious 
to  afford  an  asylum  (as  they  seemed  to  take  for 
granted)  to  several  thousand  armed  men  who  had  risen 
against  the  British."  * 

I  must  now  relate  another  incident  which  has  never 
been  explained,  and  in  which  Mr.  Kuhne  again  had  a 
prominent  share.  I  mentioned  that  I  left  the  valuable 
Church  Missionary  Society's  caravan  at  Bukoba,  under 
the  kind  care  of  Captain  Langheld.  That  officer 
generously  undertook  to  store  the  loads  until  I  should 
be  able  to  send  for  them.  The  caravan  was  in  charge 
of  two  responsible  head  men,  Mnubi  and  Hamisi,  the 
latter  a  man  who  could  both  read  and  write  in  the 
Arabic  character.  The  outbreak  of  the  war,  however, 
prevented  me  from  sending  carriers  from  Budu  or 
canoes,  since  the  whole  Protestant  party  had  left  Budu, 
and  all  the  coast  was  in  the  hands  of  the  king's 
faction.  In  the  first  week  in  April,  however,  Captain 
Williams,  on  his  return  from  Bukoba,  mentioned  to  me 
that  he  had  been  unable  to  procure  some  cloth  from 
the  bales  left  there,  and  which  I  had  authorised  him  to 
take,  saying  that  the  whole  caravan  had  been  removed 
*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol  ii.,  p.  393. 

19 


290  Mr.  Kiihne gives  the  Loads  to  Natives        [1892 

from  Bukoba.  He  added  that  he  thought  it  strange  that 
we  should  have  been  able  to  send  for  the  things  during 
a  time  of  war.  Captain  Lugard,  in  giving  an  account 
of  the  affair,  says  :  "  Canoes  had  come  to  Bukoba  with 
the  English  flag  bearing  letters  from  Ashe,  and  had 
removed  all  the  property  there."  It  transpired  that  the 
letter  was  a  forgery.  The  forged  letter,  said  to  have 
been  presented  by  the  chief  in  charge  of  the  canoes, 
which  the  French  faction  sent  to  Bukoba  for  the  things, 
has  never  been  produced,  and  I  have  a  shrewd  suspicion 
never  existed.  Captain  Langheld  happened  to  be 
absent  from  Bukoba  at  the  time,  leaving  Mr.  Kiihne  in 
charge  of  the  station.  When  these  canoes  arrived 
Mr.  Kiihne  knew  all  about  the  war,  and  that  the  whole 
of  Budu  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Roman  Catholics, 
that  it  was  so  unsafe  for  the  English  faction  to  appear 
at  Bukoba,  that  Mr.  Bagge  had  been  advised  to  fly  at 
midnight  to  escape  the  French  bishop.  And  yet  we 
are  told  that  Mr.  Kiihne  believed  a  number  of  canoes 
of  the  English  faction  dare  venture  into  Bukoba, 
which  was  completely  cut  off  by  the  Catholic  faction, 
and  this,  moreover,  at  the  very  time  when  the  dreaded 
bishop  was  actually  at  that  place  ! 

It  is,  I  may  mention,  quite  an  unprecedented  thing 
for  a  European  in  Africa  to  deliver  up  property  to  a 
native  without  awritten  order  from  the  persons  responsible 
for  it.  But  it  is  said  there  was  a  letter  from  me,  which, 
indeed,  proved  to  be  a  forgery  ;  but  Mr.  Kiihne  believed 
Die  to  be  dead,  and  had  actually  sent  the  report  of  my 
death  to  Mr.  Muxworthy,  and  the  report  was  duly 
telegraphed  home,  and  appeared  in  the   papers.      But 


1892]   Kilhne  s  Failure  to  ascertain  Bond-fides    291 

even  granting  that  there  was  some  kind  of  letter,  could 
not  Mr.  Kiihne  have  ascertained  the  bond  fides  of  the 
persons  coming  with  the  canoes,  by  asking  Monseigneur 
Hirth  whether  they  were  people  of  the  English  or  French 
faction  ;  for  surely  had  he  done  so,  the  French  bishop  and 
the  French  pere,  his  companion,  who  were  sojourning 
in  the  fort,  could   most  easily  have  enlightened    him. 
With  the  exception  of  ten  loads  of  heavy  iron  goods, 
Mr.  Kiihne  handed  over  to  these  irresponsible  natives  of 
the  French  faction  the  whole  of  the  valuable  property, 
which  was  immediately  taken  into  Budu,  and  looted  in 
the  presence  of  the  French  fathers,  one  of  whom  was 
called    by   Mwanga    to    explain   what    certain    of   the 
chemicals  contained   in  a  box  of  medicines  were.     It 
must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  was  war 
between  the  factions,  and  much  of  the  French  priests' 
property   had    been    looted    by  the   Protestants  ;    and 
though  never  in  the  presence  of  English  missionaries, 
yet    in    expeditions    under    the    guidance    of    English 
military  officers.      As  soon  as  I  heard   of  the  robbery 
I  at  once  wrote  to  Captain   Langheld  ;  but  he  had   not 
yet  returned  to  Bukoba,  and  Dr.  Stuhlmann  replied  to 
my  letter.     But  he  also  had   not  been  at  Bukoba  at 
the  time  of  the  robbery,  and  Mr.  Kiihne,  the  person 
who   had  placed  the    property  in    the    hands    of   the 
fraudulent   natives,   had    left   for    the    coast.      Captain 
Langheld    subsequently   wrote    to    me   on    the   subject 
from  Berlin,*   calling   the   incident   a  dark  adventure," 
and   saying  he  had    given    my  letter   to  the  German 

*  Letter    dated   from   Berlin,    October    i8th,    1892,   Brunken 
Allu,  No.  40. 


292       The  Company  fine  their  own  Ally        [1892 

Foreign  Office.  I  myself  laid  the  matter  before  our 
own  Consul,  but  I  have  not  heard  the  final  result  of 
the  inquiries  which  no  doubt  were  set  on  foot. 

Captain  Lugard  promised  to  look  into  the  matter, 
but  kept  putting  it  off  until  he  left  for  the  coast.  He 
has  curiously  blundered  in  speaking  of  the  affair  by 
saying  that  the  mission  claimed  ;;^2,ooo  from  the 
Company  for  this  robbery,  and  that  I  called  upon  him 
to  exact  reprisals  from  the  Roman  Catholics.  I  merely 
asked  that  he  would  obtain  some  restitution  or  com- 
pensation from  the  chiefs  who  had  received  the  property. 
The  Company  admitted  that  what  I  asked  was  fair  and 
right,  for  they  promised  to  make  Mwanga  pay  ^200 
worth  of  ivory  for  his  share  in  the  business  ;  but  this 
only  when  Mwanga  had  joined  the  English  faction 
and  become  their  own  ally !  And  I  believe  this  ivory 
was  actually  paid  ;  but  whether  the  Church  Missionary 
Society  has  yet  received  the  amount  I  do  not  know. 

The  two  head  men,  Mnubi  and  Hamisi,  were  dis- 
missed by  the  Germans,  who  told  them  that  I  was 
dead,  and  a  Snider  rifle  which  belonged  to  the  Church 
Missionary  Society,  and  which  Mnubi  was  carrying, 
was  rendered  useless  by  having  the  firing  pin  extracted. 
These  men  were  not  sent  on  to  Uganda  to  give  an 
account  of  the  goods  with  which  they  had  been  en- 
trusted, and  I  never  saw  them  again. 

We  now  come  to  the  last  occasion  on  which  Mr. 
Kiihne,  the  German  official,  figures  in  connection  with 
English  affairs.  Captain  Williams  had  been  sent  by 
Lugard  to  Bukoba  to  endeavour  to  prevail  upon  the 
Germans  to  make  the  French  priests  at  Bukumbi  hand 


1892]       Kilhne  secures  Failure  of  Mission        293 

over  Mwanga's  nephews  and  Kalema's  children,  in 
order  that  if  Mwanga  remained  obdurate  Lugard  might 
place  one  of  Kalema's  boys  upon  the  throne.  The 
Germans  were  most  polite,  and  promised  to  do  all  in 
their  power  to  promote  his  interests.  The  Catholic 
Union  ("  Notes  on  Uganda,"  p.  102)  relates  how  they 
carried  this  out.  Here  is  Pere  Hauttecoeur's  account  : 
"Captain  Williams  reached  Bukumbi  on  March  23rd  ; 
and  having  produced  authority  from  M.  Langheld 
(the  German  Administrator),  proceeded  to  endeavour 
to  persuade  the  widows  of  Karema  and  Kiwewa  and 
their  infants  to  leave  this  Catholic  mission.  Mr.  Kiihne, 
who  was  present,  interpreted  M.  Langheld's  order 
(sanctioning  their  departure)  only  to  apply  if  the 
women  showed  a  desire  to  comply  with  Captain 
Williams'  request  ;  but  as  they  expressed  the  greatest 
repugnance  to  be  placed  under  his  protection,  he  was 
obliged  to  go  away  without  the  princes,  and  his  mission 
was  a  complete  failure."  Thus  we  have  the  young 
German,  Sergeant  Kiihne,  appearing  for  the  last  time 
in  his  favourite  character  of  deus  ex  machina  to  thwart 
English  and  to  serve  French  interests.  It  is  a  curious 
coincidence  that  after  his  secret  visit  to  Sesse,  whither 
Monseigneur  Hirth  had  come,  he  is  always  found 
actively  hostile  to  English  interests ;  but  in  such  a 
manner  as  entirely  to  blind  Captain  Lugard  and 
Captain  Williams  to  his  real  attitude. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  Monseigneur  Hirth  was 
a  German  subject,  and  therefore  had  his  nationality  in 
his  favour  in  winning  the  .good  offices  of  the  young 
soldier-printer.     Poor  young  Kiihne,  as  I    mentioned, 


294  Langheld  ceases  to  check  Import  of  Guns  [1892 

was  afterwards  killed,  so  that  he,  too,  has  carried  to  his 
grave  whatever  he  might  have  been  able  to  tell  of 
these  matters. 

The  facts  here  mentioned  are  valuable,  since  they 
are  chiefly  gleaned  from  Lugard's  and  the  priests' 
accounts,  who  seem  quite  unconscious  of  their  bearing  ; 
in  fact,  so  little  did  Lugard  suspect  any  hostility  to  his 
plans  from  the  Germans,  that  he  writes  as  follows  :  "  On 
April  14th  Williams  returned,  accompanied  by  the 
German  official  Captain  Langheld,  whose  courtesy  and 
kindness  nothing  could  exceed.  He  had  been  to  the 
south  of  the  Lake,"  etc. 

We  now  come  to  another  very  significant  piece  of 
news  brought  to  Uganda  on  this  occasion  by  Captain 
Williams.  Lugard  writes  :  *  "  Williams  brought  news 
that  the  Germans,  finding  that  arms  and  powder  were 
pouring  in  from  the  west,  through  the  Congo  State, 
had  withdrawn  their  prohibition  of  the  import  of 
munitions,  except  so  far  as  breech-loading  arms  and 
ammunition  were  concerned,  and  that  Langheld  could 
i  no  longer  check  the  import  of  guns  and  powder  to 
Uganda,  as  he  had  hitherto  so  kindly  exerted  himself 
'  to  do.  This  news,  together  with  reports  brought  me 
by  the  men  who  had  conveyed  my  mails,  that  powder 
was  already  coming  in,  and  being  bought  by  the  French 
faction,  was  of  very  serious  importance."  The  coinci- 
dence that  Langheld  should  suddenly  find  himself 
unable  to  stop  the  import  of  guns  and  powder  to 
Uganda  at  this  particular  juncture  was  certainly  very 
strange. 

*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire  "  p.  443,  vol.  ii. 


1892]  Evidence  of  German  Hostility  295 

The  various  circumstances  already  mentioned,  though 
no  single  one  of  them  affords  conclusive  evidence  of 
hostility  on  the  part  of  the  German  officials,  yet 
taken  together,  form  a  mass  of  cumulative  evidence  of 
a  strong  kind,  which  justifies  the  suspicion  that  such 
hostility  really  existed.  But  I  must  leave  the  reader 
to  judge  for  himself  whether  the  grounds  stated  are  a 
sufficient  justification  for  suspecting  opposition  to 
English  interests   on  the  part  of  German  officials. 


CHAPTER    III 

THE  KING'S  RETURN 


Lugard  resumes  his  First  Position — Lugard  at  Loggerheads  with 
the  Protestant  Chiefs — Good  Character  of  the  Chiefs  of  the 
English  Faction — The  WJiereabouts  of  the  Factions — The 
Company  and  the  French  Priests — Arguments  that  appealed 
to  Mwanga — Attack  on  Sesse — Lugard  and  Williams  distrust 
their  Supporters — The  Vacant  Chieftainships  are  filled  up — 
Negotiations  for  Mwangds  Return — A  hasty  Plan  of 
Escape — The  King  running  away — Mwanga  returns  once 
more  to  Mengo — English  Influence  an  established  Fact. 


1892] 


CHAPTER    III 

THE  KING'S  RETURN 

MWANGA  having  again  made  his  escape,  negotia- 
tions for  his  return  were  at  once  set  on  foot. 

The  representatives  of  the  Imperial  Company  do  not 
seem  to  have  quite  decided  what  their  exact  position 
was.  Lugard  had  made  a  treaty  with  the  king  and 
chiefs,  which,  he  beHeved,  gave  him  an  acknowledged 
and  legal  status  in  the  country,  and  by  which  Mwanga 
accepted  the  suzerainty  of  the  Imperial  Chartered 
Company.  Yet  the  king  and  certain  of  the  chiefs 
had  set  aside  the  treaty,  and  refused  its  obligations  in 
such  a  manner  as  even  to  engage  in  warlike  operations 
against  the  Company.  Lugard,  in  consequence,  had 
been  compelled  to  drive  out  the  disloyal  king  and  his 
rebellious  chiefs,  with  the  assistance  of  the  chiefs  who! 
remained  loyal  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  and  to  the 
Imperial  Company.  This  appears  to  have  been  thej 
position  that  Lugard  had  taken  up,  when  he  armed  the 
chiefs  who  were  loyal  to  the  treaty. 

But,  as  we  have  seen,  he  suddenly  receded  from  this 

position,  and  implored  the  disloyal  king  and  rebel  chiefs 

to  return,  and  practically  asked  them  to  forgive  him  for 

299 


300      Lugard  resumes  his  First  Position       [1892 

his  action  in  driving  them  out.  It  was  here  that 
Lugard  betrayed  an  obvious  weakness,  with,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  worst  results.  His  action  amounted  to  the 
virtual  confession  that  he  had  been  wrong,  an  ad- 
mission that  those  who  guided  the  French  faction 
were  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of,  and  the  king  and 
"  French "  chiefs  then  posed  as  persons  who  had 
suffered  wrong  at  Lugard's  hands,  and  who  smarted 
under  it.  Hence  they  would  not  come  to  terms  with 
him  unless  he  paid  compensation. 

Then  we  had  Bulinguge,  when  Lugard  resumed  his 
first  position  of  a  British  representative,  whose  treaty 
rights  had  been  outraged  by  a  disloyal  king  and  rebel 
chiefs.  The  loyal  chiefs  were  naturally  averse  to  the 
terms  which  offered  to  restore  to  their  former  positions 
the  offending  king  and  chiefs,  without  their  yielding 
one  jot  or  tittle  of  the  matter  in  dispute,  since,  it  might 
be  presumed,  a  further  course  of  aggression  would  be 
put  in  operation  against  the  loyal  English  faction. 

Mwanga's  household  and  large  numbers  of  captives 
had  been  taken  on  the  island.  The  king's  house- 
hold was  sent  to  Mengo,  and  a  responsible  chief, 
Mulamba,  was  appointed  to  guard  them.  The  other 
prisoners  were  set  free,  but  I  have  no  doubt  some  of 
the  rabble  who  had  landed  on  the  island  carried  off  a 
number  of  the  French  faction  as  slaves.  This  was  one 
of  the  most  deplorable  features  of  the  fighting,  that  it 
let  loose  mobs  of  people  on  both  sides  who  had  no 
religion  whatev^er,  and  who  rejoiced  in  anarchy  and 
war,  which  meant  ample  opportunity  to  plunder. 

I  think  the  numbers  said  to  have  been  enslaved  were 


1892]     Ltigard  at  Loggerheads  with  Chiefs      301 

grossly  exaggerated  on  both  sides.  But  that  certain 
of  the  French  faction  did  sell  a  number  of  captives 
from  Protestant  Budu  for  the  gunpowder  which  their 
Baziba  neighbours  were  vending  with  the  connivance 
of  Germany,  I  have  no  doubt.  And  though  I  never 
heard — as  it  was  not  likely  I  should — that  the  rabble 
of  the  Protestant  faction  had  enslaved  people  of  the 
other  faction,  it  is  probable  in  the  highest  degree  that 
they  did  so. 

Mwanga  had  continued  his  journey  southward  until 
he  came  to  Mutatembwa's,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Kagera  River,  my  visit  to  whom  I  have  described. 
Mutatembwa  received  him  and  his  following  (which 
was    very   numerous)    with    all    hospitality. 

Lugard,  meanwhile,  had  come  to  loggerheads  with 
the  Protestant  chiefs,  who  had  stood  by  him.  He  had 
showed  cynical  indifference  to  them  by  his  intention  of 
putting  back  into  power  their  enemies,  with  whom  he 
had  just  fought,  and  by  so  doing  proved  that  he  knew 
them  to  be  the  aggressors  in  the  late  war.  The  fore-'^ 
most  of  these  chiefs  were  Apolo  Kagwa  the  Katikiro, 
or  Prime  Minister  ;  Zakaria  Kizito;  Sebwato  Nikodemo  ; 
Waswa  the  Mukwenda  ;  Paulo  Bakunga  the  Kitunzi  ; 
Henry  Wright  Duta  Kitakule  ;  Samwili  Naganafa 
(the  envoy  who  had  been  sent  to  Zanzibar).  Tomas 
Semfuma  ;  Tomasi  Mukisi  ;  Wakirenzi  the  Mulondo  ; 
Mika  Sematimba  ;  Mattayo  ;  Sila  ;  Stefano  ;  Yosua, 
the  Mugema  ;  and  others.  Not  a  few  of  these  were  the 
very  highest  type  of  this  nation,  and,  I  venture  to 
assert,  were  consistent  Christian  men.  The  praises  of 
some  of  them   have  been    sounded    in    turn   by   every 


302  Good  Character  of  Chiefs  [1892 

European  who  has  had  any  dealings  with  them.  Such 
sweeping  statements  as  that  they  were  a  parcel  of  liars 
and  traitors  will  not  be  hastily  accepted  by  thoughtful 
persons.  It  will  not  do  to  give  them  their  full  mead  of 
praise  in  one  place  and  in  another  to  blacken  them, 
when  they  are  opposing  some  view  the  writer  objects 
to.  They  were  intelligent  men,  naturally  greatly  de- 
pendent for  knowledge  of  European  affairs  upon  the 
English  missionaries,  as  the  French  converts  were 
dependent  on  the  priests. 

Slanders  have  been  published  on  these  men,  I  regret 
to  say,  bearing  the  name  of  Monseigneur  Hirth,  which, 
I  feel  sure,  in  his  cooler  moments  he  would  never  have 
written  — slanders  which  were  written  in  ignorance  of  the 
men  whose  characters  he  traduced.  Among  the  Roman 
Catholic  converts  were  men  also  of  good  report,  some 
few  of  whom  I  had  the  pleasure  of  knowing  a  good 
deal  of.  But  of  these  men  mentioned  above,  I  will  ask 
the  reader  to  believe  that  some  were  actuated  by  noble 
motives,  and  had  far  other  views  than  merely  greedy 
desire  of  power  and  self-aggrandisement,  and  that  all 
were  respectable  men,  who  were  shrewd  enough  to  see 
that  loyalty  to  the  English  Company  was  not  only  good 
for  the  country  at  large,  but  wholly  to  their  own  private 
interests.  They  were,  however,  jealous  of  making 
Captain  Lugard  or  any  one  else  an  absolute  autocrat. 
I  believe  that  a  great  deal  of  the  influence  with  them 
possessed  by  the  missionaries  lay  in  the  fact  that  the 
latter  never  attempted  to  exert  any  secular  authority  over 
them,  nor  even  ventured  to  advise  them,  unless  they 
came    to    seek    counsel,   whirhHjfy    fregiipn^fly    did.       I 


1892]         The   Whereabouts  of  the  Factions        303 

was  most  careful  to  tell  Captain  Lugard  this  fact,  and 
also  to  inform  him  that  I  felt  it  within  the  right  of  a 
missionary  to  advise  any  one  or  every  one  who  chose  to 
ask  his  advice.  This  advice,  however  much  or  little 
it  was  worth,  was  open  to  him  as  to  any  one  else. 
Captain  Lugard  himself  has  shown  how  inextricably 
politics  and  religion  were  mixed  up,  and  his  asking,  or 
expecting,  the  missionaries  to  take  no  part  in  politics 
was  much  the  same  as  asking  them  to  take  no  part 
in  religion.  These  men  I  have  mentioned  above  were 
in  constant  daily  communication  with  the  missionaries. 
Not  a  few  of  them  were  being  prepared  for  Holy  Orders. 
All  were  engaged  in  learning  and  teaching,  so  that 
naturally  the  serious  condition  of  the  country  could 
hardly  fail  to  be  discussed. 

The  war  had  left  the  Protestants  masters  of  the  whole 
of  Uganda  except  the  province  of  Budu,  south  of  the 
Katonga  River,  which  was  held  by  the  king  and  rebel 
chiefs.  A  freebooter,  who  was  a  daring  elephant  hunter 
named  Namutegere,  had  obtained  a  considerable  follow- 
ing in  Chagwe,  the  province  bordering  on  the  Nile,  but 
was  never  a  very  serious  menace  to  the  peace  of  the 
country.  The  Muhammedans  were  in  the  country  lying\ . 
between  Lugard's  line  of  forts  and  the  frontier  ofy 
Uganda,  Bulemezi  and  Singo  being  the  provinces  nearest 
the  place  where  they  were  concentrated.  It  was  now 
arranged  that  Waswa,  the  chief  of  Singo,  who  with  his 
fighting  men  had  reached  Mengo  the  day  after  the  fight, 
and  too  late  to  take  part  in  it,*  should  return  to  guard 

*  Many  important  chiefs  of  the  English  faction  were  absent 
from  Mengo  when  the  Roman  Catholic  attack  was  made. 


304    The  Company  and  the  French  Priests       [1892 

his  frontier,  and  that  another  force  under  Mugema 
Joshua  should  attack  the  Abanywa-enjai  or  bhang- 
smokers  under  Namutegere.  Yosua  did  so,  and 
succeeded  in  dispersing  them. 

The  Protestant  chiefs  now  wrote  begging  Mwanga 
to  return,  sending  their  letters  by  a  man  named  Nzitizci, 
who  duly  delivered  them  to  the  king  at  Mutatembwa's. 
Meanwhile  reports  came  in  that  the  French  faction 
were  concentrating  in  force  on  the  Budu  side  of  the 
Katonga  River,  while  another  band  was  preparing  to 
attack  the  island  of  Namuimba,  a  chief  of  the  English 
'faction.  The  Company,  it  might  be  supposed,  had  by 
this  time  learned  a  lesson  as  to  the  real  attitude  of  the 
French  priests.  The  bishop,  according  to  their  account 
of  the  matter,  had  on  the  last  occasion,  so  far  from 
urging  Mwaga  to  return,  counselled  him  to  refuse  to  do 
so.  But  the  Company's  representative,  I  understand, 
on  this  occasion  accepted  the  proposal  of  the  priests 
that  they  should  be  the  bearers  of  messages  to  Mwanga. 
The  matter  is  important,  and  is  dealt  with  on  p.  285, 
vol.  ii.,  of  the  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire."  Here 
Lugard  speaks  of  the  proposed  Embassy  as  merely  a 
suggestion.  The  fathers,  however,  seemed  to  think 
the  matter  had  been  finally  arranged,  and  actually  set 
about  making  ready  for  the  journey,  which  they  were  to 
take  the  day  after  the  affair  (as  they  supposed)  was 
settled.  But  when  Captain  Lugard  consulted  the 
Protestant  chiefs  they  brought  grave  reasons  against 
employing  the  priests  as  intermediaries  They  knew 
Mwanga  well,  and  they  knew  best  how  to  get  hold  of 
him. 


1892]       Arguments  that  appealed  to  Mivanga  305 

They  had  seen  that  Mwanga  had  found  the  dictation 
of  the  priests  and  "  French  "  party  very  irksome,  and 
was  like  a  man  carrying  a  heavy  weight,  who,  though 
he  cannot  get  rid  of  it,  likes  to  shift  it  from  shoulder 
to  shoulder.  And  Mwanga  was  now  desirous  of  a\ 
change  of  masters.  The  English,  he  knew,  had  control  \ 
of  Zanzibar,  and  might  really  be  the  stronger  power, 
and  might  also  stay  in  Uganda,  as  the  Company's  j 
representatives  assured  him  they  would  ;  but  if  English  \ 
control  were  withdrawn  he  could  easily  return  again 
to  the  French  faction.  The  Protestants  knew  also 
that  they  could  put  the  screw  on  Mwanga  by  threaten- 
ing to  put  his  uncle,  the  Muhammedan  Embogo,  on 
the  throne.  But  besides  this  they  had  other  argu- 
ments, and  could  urge  what  Mwanga  was  well  aware 
of,  that  the  French  faction  had  his  two  nephews  in 
their  hands,  whom  they  might  easily  put  on  the  throne 
in  case  of  their  growing  weary  of  him  ;  his  death  might 
also  be  compassed.  And  Mwanga  knew  that  African 
kings  are  sometimes  poisoned,  though  usually  they 
are  said  to  die  of  small-pox.  The  Protestants  were 
able  to  show  Lugard  that  there  was  every  likelihood 
of  securing  Mwanga,  and  this,  taken  with  the  continued 
hostility  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faction— the  threatened 
attack  on  Namuimba's  Island  had  just  been  reported 
— and  the  purport  of  what  our  English  missionaries 
understood  to  be  the  remarks  of  the  French  peres 
apropos  of  German  aid  for  Mwanga,  were  considera- 
tions which  caused  Lugard  to  change  his  mind  about 
sending  to  ask  Mwanga  to  come  to  terms,  and  made 
him  hold  to  the  demand  that  until  the  king  was  safe 

2b 


3o6  The  Attack  on  Sesse  [1892 

back  in  Mengo  he  would  discuss  no  terms  with  the 
hostile  party. 

Lugard  sent  Captain  Williams  with  eighty  men  and 
a  Maxim  gun  and  six  hundred  Ba-ganda  in  canoes  to 
occupy  Sesse.  The  use  of  these  auxiliaries  without 
discipline  and  with  arms  in  their  hands  could  only 
have  one  result  ;  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  they 
would  have  committed  much  violence  had  it  not  been 
that  most  of  the  people  in  Sesse  cleared  out.  As  it 
was,  the  chiefs,  Semugala  and  Sewaya,  were  driven  out, 
and  a  large  number  of  cattle  were  looted — I  have 
mentioned  the  fact  that  the  plague  had  not  reached 
the  islands  in  the  Nyanza — ^and  no  doubt  also  a 
quantity  of  stores. 

Nikodemo  had  been  sent  overland  towards  the 
frontier  of  Budu  with  six  hundred  guns.  Captain 
Williams  having  now  occupied  Sesse,  desired  to 
advance  into  Budu  and  endeavour  to  seize  the  king. 
But  the  Mudima  and  Wakibi,  two  fighting  chiefs  who 
were  with  him,  absolutely  refused.  Mulondo,  the 
native  commander,  apparently  acquiesced  in  Captain 
Williams'  wish,  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  felt 
they  were  too  weak  for  the  effort.  If,  as  they  feared, 
Mwanga  had  obtained  the  help  of  the  Germans,  or 
even  of  Koki  and  Mutatembwa,  they,  with  their  twelve 
hundred  guns,  could  do  very  little.  If  they  were  to 
carry  the  war  into  Budu  it  must  be  with  an  expedition 
organised  on  a  much  larger  scale  than  the  present. 
They,  therefore,  not  unwisely  returned  to  Mengo,  much 
to  the  disgust  of  Captain  Williams,  who  was  ready  for 
any  amount  of  fighting. 


1892]        Lttgard  and  Williams    Supporters       307 

Captain  Williams  then  went  to  Bukoba,  and  from 
thence  to  Bukumbi,  on  what,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
an  utterly  futile  mission,  since  the  Germans  were 
quietly  determined  that  he  should  not,  at  this  particular 
juncture  of  affairs,  secure  the  two  young  nephews  of 
Mwanga.  Meanwhile  Nzitiza  had  returned  from 
Mwanga,  bringing  a  request  that  Namagambe  and 
Nabisubi,  two  of  his  female  favourites,  should  be  sent 
to  him.  These  ladies  were  duly  despatched  to  the 
king  with  instructions  to  assure  him  how  earnestly  the 
English  faction  and  the  Company's  officers  desired  his 
return.  Captain  Lugard  at  this  time  tells  us  that  he 
and  Williams  had  lost  confidence  in  the  English  faction, 
and  made  up  their  minds  that  they  were  not  to  be 
relied  upon,*  though  he  does  not  state  why.  Possibly 
the  semi-independent  position  they  took  up,  and  which 
the  Company's  own  action  had  made  almost  inevitable, 
was  distasteful  to  the  officers  in  command  at  Kampala. 

Meanwhile,  at  Mwanga's  orders,  the  people  of 
Uvuma,  it  is  said,  prepared  to  attack  Muwambi,  the 
chief  whose  being  attacked  by  Mwanga's  faction  had 
led  to  Bulinguge.  Luba,  who  had  imprisoned  Bishop 
Hannington,  had  much  influence  with  the  Bavuma 
Islanders,  and  Mwanga  persuaded  Luba,  as  his  own 
advisers  were  always  assuring  him,  that  the  English 
meant  to  take  vengeance  for  Hannington's  murder  by 
killing  the  King  of  Uganda  and  Luba  of  Busoga.  The 
Bavuma,  therefore,  as  has  been  stated,  attacked 
Muwambi,  and  were  met  by  a  strong  force  of  the 
English  faction,  who  appear  to  have  had  a  hundred 
*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  381. 


3o8  Vacant  Chieftainships  filled  Up         [1892 

rifles,  and  were  able  to  repulse  the  attacking  party, 
and  inflicted  upon  them  the  loss  of  about  one  hundred 
men."* 

To  come  back  now  to  the  question  of  Mwanga's 
restoration.  The  embassy  of  the  ladies,  Namagambe 
and  Nabisubi,  was  much  more  successful  than  that 
of  Monseigneur  Hirth  ha^  proved  ;  and  the  king  sent 
his  man  Senkoma,  on  March  5  th,  to  say  he  was  anxious 
to  return.  The  country  was  meanwhile  in  a  state  of 
disorganisation  ;  for  no  one  cared  to  cultivate  what  they 
felt  they  might  be  turned  out  of  next  day.  Lugard  had 
no  other  course  open  to  him  but  to  fill  up  the 
vacant  chieftainship  provisionally.  They  were  already 
occupied,  and  Lugard  felt  it  to  be  a  politic  measure 
to  ratify  the  appointments — his  so  doing  gave  him  a 
status  in  the  country  that  nothing  else  could  have 
given — so  on  March  12th  the  vacant  ofiices,  with  the 
consent  of  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company's 
officer,  were  duly  filled  up  with  the  loyal  English 
chiefs.  The  province  of  Kyagwe,  which  was  abandoned 
by  the  French  faction,  was  given  to  Nikodemo,  who 
had  lost  Budu,  and  who  now  became  the  Sekibobo. 
The  faithful  Zakaria  became  Kangao,  chief  of  Bulemezi, 
while  Paulo  became  Kago,  and  the  great  fighting  chief 
Mulondo  became  Kimbugwe.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  the  Protestants  before  the  war  held  large  numbers 
of  minor  chieftainships  in  these  provinces,  so  that  these 
appointments  did  not  mean  that  they  had  gained 
some  enormous  advantage.      They  had  entirely  lost  the 

*  This  is  extracted  from  "  The  Wars  of  the  Ba-ganda."    I  never 
heard  particulars  of  it  while  in  Uganda. 


1892]       N^egotiations  for  Mwangas  Return       309 

whole  of  their  chieftainships  in   the  great  province  of 
Budu,  which  is  the  richest  part  of  Uganda. 

Mwanga  had  now  been  absent  from  his  capital 
forty-nine  days,  when  he  sent  Mugwanya,  the  former 
Kimbugwe,  a  clever  man,  though  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  the  priests,  to  open  negotiations  with  the  Company. 
With  him  came  Seboa,  the  former  Sekibobo,  a  really 
nice  man,  though  a  little  too  fond  of  his  banana  cider 
— a  failing  which,  though  it  could  not  be  called  a 
monopoly  of  either  faction,  was,  on  the  whole, 
creditably  absent  from  the  chiefs  of  both  parties. 
Mugwanya  and  Seboa  then  said,  "  Let  the  land  be 
divided,  and  we  will  restore  the  king  to  Mengo."  The 
Protestant  chiefs  were  willing  to  agree,  but  Lugard 
remained  firm  in  his  decision  that  before  he  would 
come  to  any  terms  the  king  must  be  given  up.  He 
had  now  serious  thoughts  of  accepting  Embogo,  the 
leader  of  the  Muhammedan  faction,  as  king. 

It  was  finally  arranged  that  Seboa  should  return  to 
Mwanga,  while  Mugwanya  should  remain  behind. 
Mugwanya  was  easily  the  foremost  man  of  the 
"  French "  faction.  I  suppose  he  remained  as  a 
guarantee  of  the  good  faith  of  his  party.  The 
"  English  "  chiefs  selected  two  of  their  number,  Stefano 
Kalibwani  and  Bartolomayo  Musoke,  to  accompany 
Seboa  back  to  Mwanga.  The  Protestants  were  wise 
in  sending  two  of  their  number  who  had  acquired 
more  influence  over  Mwanga  than  any  other  of  their 
party.  Stefano  especially,  who  had  all  his  wits  about 
him,  seems  to  have  acquired  an  extraordinary  hold 
over  the  weak  kinsf. 


3IO  A  Hasty  Plan  of  Escape  [1892 

These  three  made  their  way  to  the  king  ;  and  the 
two  "  English  "  envoys  found  that  Mwanga  was  being 
watched,  as  a  mouse  is  watched  by  a  cat,  by  his  Roman 
Catholic  subjects,  who  were  now  really  his  gaolers. 
The  truth  is  that  the  king  was  thoroughly  sick  of 
being  a  fugitive  in  his  own  kingdom,  and  had  a 
growing  distrust  of  the  French  bishop.  He  had, 
moreover,  a  wholesome  horror  of  the  deadly  music  of 
the  Maxim  gun,  which  had  deprived  him  of  any  little 
courage  which  he  remained  possessed  of  But  no 
chance,  for  a  time,  did  Stefano  obtain  of  a  private 
word  with  the  king.  It  had  been  arranged  that 
Mwanga  should  come  to  the  frontier  of  Budu,  and 
that  from  there  envoys  should  be  sent  to  make  some 
definite  arrangement  as  to  the  division  of  the  country 
before  the  king  should  be  given  up. 

At  last  Stefano  one  evening  managed  to  have  a  few 
moments  with  Mwanga  in  a  banana  grove,  and  a  hasty 
plan  of  escape  was  arranged.  The  king  so  managed 
it  that  Stefano,  Bartolomayo,  and  Lutaya  a  favourite 
Muhammedan,  and  one  or  two  of  his  trusted  pages, 
should  be  together  in  the  same  canoe,  and  on  the 
day  that  they  neared  the  last  camp  from  where  the 
negotiations  were  to  take  place,  the  king's  flight  was 
accomplished.  On  this  very  day,  March  29th,  the 
French  pkres^  Brard  and  Roche,  actually  arrived  at 
Mengo,  in  order,  it  was  said,  to  arrange  the  terms  of 
peace ;  but  Lugard  again  refused  to  enter  into  any 
discussion  before  the  arrival  of  the  king  himself. 

But  to  return  to  the  seafarers  on  the  Nyanza.  The 
canoes,  as  evening  drew  on,  were  slowly  making  their 


1892]  The  King  running  Away  311 

way  to  the  last  camping  ground  in  Budu,  when  the  king, 
whose  skill  with  the  paddle  was  well  known,  said  he 
would  take  the  place  of  the  Mugoba,  the  man  who 
sits  at  the  pointed  stern  of  the  canoe,  and  who,  by 
placing  his  paddle  against  the  boat,  can  thus  use  it 
as  a  rudder,  and  can  vary  the  angle  at  which  he 
holds  it,  so  as  to  alter  the  course  of  the  canoe.  The 
king  gradually  kept  the  boat  more  and  more  out  to 
sea.  It  was  a  grand  canoe,  and  the  men  very  soon 
saw  what  was  in  the  wind.  The  other  canoes  had 
meanwhile  headed  in  for  shore,  except  one,  which 
was  occupied  by  some  of  the  chiefs,  who  were  jealously 
watching  the  king.  The  canoe  swept  on,  its  consort 
following  at  racing  speed.  Then  at  last  all  reserve  was 
flung  aside,  and  it  was  evident  the  king  was  running 
away.  But  the  race  was  not  for  long.  The  other  canoes 
were  far  behind,  and  the  king  and  his  guards  were 
armed  with  rifles,  even  had  the  French  chiefs  been 
successful  in  overhauling  the  flying  canoe  ;  and  very 
soon  the  baffled  chiefs  gave  the  word  to  'bout  boat, 
and  sadly  they  rowed  ashore  with  the  disheartening 
news  that  Mwanga  had  at  last  given  them  the  slip. 
The  king  held  on,  but  with  many  misgivings,  for  he 
was  haunted  by  the  ever-present  fear  that  the  English, 
when  once  they  had  him  in  their  power,  would  avenge 
on  him  the  death  of  Bishop  Hannington.  I  did  not 
realise  till  some  time  afterwards  how  strongly  that  terror 
influenced  him,  nor  how  his  evil  deed  seemed  always 
to  be  meeting  him  and  crying  vengeance.  I  do  not 
think  there  was  the  least  touch  of  remorse  much  less 
repentance.      He  had  ordered  the  murder  with  the  idea 


312  Mwanga  returns  to  Mengo  [1892 

that  he  was  putting  out  of  the  way  his  country's  enemy. 
The  fear  was  simply  craven  dread  of  punishment.  Early 
on  March  30th  news  came  that  the  king  was  rapidly 
journeying  towards  Mengo,  and  then  was  heard  a 
sound  that  had  not  echoed  in  Uganda  for  sixty-one 
days.  The  great  drums  boomed  out  the  king's  beat 
without  ceasing  from  morning  till  night,  that  note 
which  told  that  there  was  once  more  a  king  in  Uganda. 
Towards  evening  Stefano  arrived  at  Kampala  to  say 
the  king  was  close  at  hand,  and  in  great  fear.  Lugard 
sent  one  of  his  own  men  to  convey  polite  messages, 
and  as  the  sun  went  down  Mwanga  appeared  on 
Mengo  Hill  once  more.  The  Katikiro  Apolo  was 
there  to  welcome  him,  and  the  king  caught  him  in 
his  arms,  and  embraced  him  in  Uganda  fashion. 
Mwanga  first  came  to  the  Wankaki  (great  gate  of 
his  own  enclosure),  and  then,  as  Lugard  had  requested, 
he  made  his  way  to  Kampala  Fort.  The  captain  came 
out  on  a  horse  to  meet  him.  Mwanga  was  dressed  in 
a  loin  cloth  and  dirty  white  coat,  a  piece  of  calico  was 
wound  round  his  head  as  a  turban.  Weary,  travel 
stained,  dirty,  and  unshorn,  he  presented  a  very  different 
appearance  from  the  sleek  and  smooth  Kabaka  who 
had  left  Mengo  some  two  months  before. 

Mwanga  was  being  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  one 
of  his  men.  Lugard  advanced  to  meet  him,  and  the 
two  shook  hands  over  the  heads  of  the  people,  and 
then,  followed  by  a  surging  crowd  who  had  assembled 
to  welcome  back  their  king,  the  procession  slowly 
wound  its  way  to  Kampala.  The  Sudanese  soldiers 
were   drawn    up    ready ;  and    as    the    king   and   repre- 


1892]  English  Influence  a  Fact  313 

sentative  of  England  passed  through  the  ranks  they 
presented  arms.  Lugard  led  the  king  into  his  house, 
and  gave  him  a  little  present,  and  then  the  king  returned 
once  more  to  Mengo  after  his  third  flight  from  that 
place.  The  Company's  flag  at  last  floated  over  the  ' 
king's  enclosure  as  well  as  over  that  of  the  chief 
minister,  and  English  influence  was  an  established  fact 
in  Uganda, 


CHAPTER    IV 

THE  MUHAMMEDAN  (QUESTION 


Muhammedanisni — Reasons  for  fighting  with  Arabs  not  Religions 
—  Unwisdom  of  bringing  into  Uganda  organised  Fanatics — 
Arrival  of  important  Muhammedan  Chiefs — Diplomatising 
with  the  Muhammedans — Understanding  between  Muhammedan 
Ba-ganda  and  Sudanese — Death  of  de  Winton — A  disastrous 
Blunder — Position  of  the  Muhammedans  an  Anomaly —  Two 
Sultans  in  Uganda. 


?2]. 


CHAPTER    IV 
THE  MUHAMMEDAN  QUESTION 

AS  soon  as  Mwanga  returned  Captain  Lugard  set 
himself  to  endeavour  to  solve  the  great  question 
of  how  to  deal  with  the  Muhammedan  faction.  The 
number  of  true  believers  or  of  those  who  had  some 
intelligent  understanding  of  the  religion  of  Islam  was 
exceedingly  limited.  The  great  mass  of  Muhammedan 
adherents  consisted  of  people  who  had  somehow  or 
other  been  drawn  into  that  faction  from  far  other  than 
religious  motives.  As  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of  the 
Roman  Catholics  (or  Bafransa  French)  and  Protestants 
(or  Bangereza  English),  a  great  deal  of  the  differences 
were  political.  Religion  had  supplied  a  good  rallying 
or  party  cry.  One  can  understand  how  a  cry  was  a 
political  necessity  from  the  fact  that  Namutegere,  the 
freebooter,  called  his  followers  the  "  Smokers  of  Bhang." 
His  people  might  smoke  the  bhang  forbidden  by  the 
other  religious  sects,  and  drink  the  banana  cider 
refused  by  the  Muhammedans,  and  marry  many  women 
disallowed  by  the  Christians.  Moreover,  Muham- 
medanism  was  a  religion  which  granted  much  and 
demanded  little.  The  outward  mark  gave  its  votaries 
whereof  to  glory  in  the  flesh.      A  religion  which  had 


3 1 8  Muhatnmedanism  [1892 

its  ordinances,  washings,  prayers  ;  and  above  all  that 
short  and  musical  formula,  "  La  illaha  ill'  Allah  Muham- 
medu  rasul  Allah  "  ("  God  is  God,  and  Muhammed  is 
His  prophet ").  The  stereotyped  confession  of  the  faith, 
which  supplied  a  noble  rallying  cry,  a  splendid  battle 
shout.  A  religion  which  reckoned  among  its  votaries 
numbers  of  constant  martyrs,  and  a  glorious  roll  of 
devoted  warriors,  the  heroes  of  some  of  the  most 
brilliant  battlefields  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Here 
was  a  religion  which  offered  a  magnificent  ground  on 
which  to  form  a  strong  political  party.  Blind  indeed 
must  the  man  be  who  does  not  see  clearly  the  tre- 
mendous power  of  the  organisation  which  Muhammed 
called  into  existence — a  glorious  truth  linked  to  a 
daring  lie ;  a  heresy  armed  with  weapons  forged  in 
the  armouries  of  God  ;  a  power  which  has  shaken  the 
world  to  its  centre,  and  which,  before  the  callous 
Christians  of  the  West  had  awakened  to  the  fact  that 
there  was  a  continent  waiting  for  Christ,  had  darkened 
half  Africa  with  its  baleful  shadow,  and  converted 
millions  to  its  cynical  creed.  Muhammedanism  had 
become  a  political  power  in  Uganda,  and  as  such  could 
boast  a  strong  organisation  well  abreast  of  the  other 
factions,  and  stronger  possibly  than  either  of  them 
singly.  True,  Christianity  calm  in  the  possession  of 
the  Light  of  the  World,  will  patiently  await  its  final 
triumph.  But  Muhammedanism  will  not  brook  any 
rival  religion,  and  therefore  must  either  conquer  or  be 
strongly  held  down.  It  must  of  necessity  try  con- 
clusions with  the  sword.  It  takes  the  sword,  and  must 
either  triumph  or  perish  with  the  sword. 


1892]         Reaso7is  for  fighting  with  Arabs         319 

The  policy  that  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company's  representative  attempted  to  carry  out  in 
the  present  instance  could  only  end  in  disastrous 
failure.  His  attitude  hitherto  in  Africa  had  always 
been  one  of  strenuous  hostility  to  Arab  influence. 
He  had  fought  with  the  Arabs  for  four  years  on 
Nyassa  with  varying  success,  and  had  been  on  one 
occasion  seriously  wounded  by  them.  Now  no  one 
for  a  moment  could  suspect  Captain  Lugard  of  being 
a  fanatical  bigot,  who  was  fighting  against  the  religion 
which  certain  people  held.  He  was  not  fighting 
Arabs  because  they  were  followers  of  the  prophet,  but 
because  they  were  bidding  politically  for  the  region  of 
Africa,  which  he  had  been  sent  to  secure.  But  we  find 
him  in  Uganda  reversing  his  own  policy,  and  instead 
of  endeavouring  to  crush  the  political  organisation 
which  was  at  deadly  enmity  to  English  influence  we 
find  him  taking  the  strongest  means  at  his  disposal 
to  consolidate  it  and  to  give  it  an  organised  position  in 
the  country.  His  defence  of  his  action  on  the  ground 
of  his  religious  toleration  does  not  touch  the  question. 
No  one  in  Uganda  objected  to  the  repatriation  of  the 
Muhammedans  when  they  came  back  in  a  private 
capacity  as  natives  of  the  country  ;  no  one  objected 
to  their  having  their  mosques  and  attending  them  ; 
but  many  saw  that  to  introduce  them  as  a  strongly 
equipped  political  organisation  was  a  proceeding  which 
could  only  end  in  disaster. 

It  was  strange  that  the  broad  general  question  of 
the  march  of  Islam  in  Africa  did  not  arrest  the  attention 
of    the    Imperial    Company's    representative,    that    he 


320         Bringing  Fanatics  into   Uganda  [1892 

did  not  see  that  the  inevitable  tendency  must  be 
for  the  members  of  a  common  religion,  when  their 
worldly  interests  also  appear  to  be  identical,  sooner 
or  later  to  coalesce  together  in  political  action.  A 
Madagascar  waiting  boy,  a  Muhammedan,  in  Zanzibar, 
speaking  of  the  high-handed  action  of  the  Germans  and 
of  their  insolent  contempt  for  the  people  whose  country 
they  were  occupying,  confidently  expressed  the  hope 
that  his  co-religionists  throughout  the  world  would 
come  to  the  help  of  Zanzibar — an  idea  though  not 
feasible  as  things  were,  yet  not  without  reason.  Islam 
is  somewhat  on  the  wane  in  Europe  ;  but  in  Africa  it 
has  not  yet  been  discounted.  And  therefore  one 
must  condemn  the  policy  of  bringing  into  Uganda  an 
organised  host  of  ignorant  fanatics,  whose  folly  must 
sooner  or  later  lead  to  violence,  and  when  once  blood 
is  shed — the  sacred  blood  of  the  followers  of  the 
prophet — however  loyal  some  may  desire  to  be,  or 
however  much  it  is  to  the  pecuniary  interest  of  others, 
the  likelihood  of  their  joining  hands  with  their  co- 
religionists against  the  'hated  Kafir"  (infidel)  is  too 
great  to  be  lightly  risked. 

Early  in  March  of  this  year,  while  the  question  of 
M  .vanga's  return  was  still  a  subject  of  negotiation,  two 
messengers  arrived  from  the  Muhammedans,  Kajubi 
and  Nanyumba,  saying  the  Muhammedans  desired  to 
return  to  Uganda.  Lugard  had  openly  discussed  the 
question  of  accepting  Embogo  as  king  of  the  whole 
country.  The  Muhammedans  had  received  news  of 
this,  and  thereupon  hastily  gathered  up  their  belongings, 
and   moved   towards   the   province    of   Singo,    on    the 


1892]         Arrival  of  Miihammedan   Chiefs         321 

frontier  of  Uganda,  of  which  district  the  Mukwenda  is 
chief.  They  then  sent  messengers  to  Waswa,  the 
Mukwenda,  a  capable  man  in  his  way,  who  had 
visited  Zanzibar  in  former  days,  to  inform  him  that 
the  whole  Muhammedan  faction  was  on  its  way  to 
Uganda.  Waswa  sent  back  to  say  they  must  not 
advance  until  their  messengers  had  been  sent  on  to 
Mengo.  They  therefore  agreed  to  remain,  while  their 
envoys,  Kajubi  and  Nanyumba,  should  proceed  to  the 
capital  to  find  out  how  matters  really  stood.  On  their 
arrival  at  Kampala  Lugard  received  them,  and  tempo- 
rised with  them,  in  order  to  gain  delay,  alleging  that 
he  must  have  some  of  the  most  responsible  of  their 
faction  to  confer  with.  But  when  these  eventually 
arrived,  appropriately  enough  on  April  ist,  they  found 
that  Mwanga  was  back  again  once  more.  He  had 
come  two  days  previously,  and  therefore  all  their  hopes 
of  seeing  Embogo  Sultan  of  Uganda  were  somewhat 
rudely  dispelled. 

The  second  envoys  from  the  Muhammedans  who 
had  now  come  were  considerable  chiefs,  Nabugo  and 
Magato.  They  stated  plainly  that  they  had  come  to 
Uganda,  bringing  Embogo  with  them,  on  the  clear 
understanding,  as  they  considered  it,  that  Embogo 
should  be  made  king  in   place  of  Mwanga. 

Lugard  explained  that  he  had  replaced  Mwanga 
because  he  was  the  rightful  king,  and  the  only  sur- 
viving son  of  Mutesa  ;  and  said  that  failing  Mwanga 
Kalema's  son,  and  not  Embogo,  would  be  heir  ;  that 
Mwanga's  past  history  did  not  indeed  warrant  their 
placing  great  confidence  in  him  ;  but  it  was  the  duty 

21 


2,2  2       Diplomatising  with  Mukamniedans       [1892 

of  the  British  Resident  to  see  that  justice  was  done, 
and  that  about  that  they  need  have  no  fear !  The 
envoys  replied  that  they  fully  trusted  I>ugard  ;  that 
from  all  sides  they  had  heard  confirmation  of  the 
Company's  impartiality  and  justice !  ^  Such  state- 
ments on  either  side  meant  nothing,  as  both  sides 
very  well  knew.  The  Muhammedans  knew  very  well 
that  the  Englishman  was  diplomatising  with  them  ; 
while  it  is  to  be  presumed  Lugard  could  not  have 
believed  that  the  envoys  accepted  as  gospel  all  he 
said.  The  Muhammedans  believed,  and  rightly  be- 
lieved, that  the  whole  question  with  Lugard  was  one 
of  expediency  rather  than  of  abstract  justice  ;  for  Lugard 
had  stated  again  and  again  to  the  Protestants,  and  to 
the  French  fathers,  and  to  the  king  and  Roman  Catholic 
chiefs  in  his  letters,  that  if  the  Muhammedans  came  in 
force  with  their  king,  and  Mwanga  either  could  not  or 
would  not  return,  then  he  must  accept  Embogo  ;  and 
the  Muhammedans,  hearing  of  this,  had  actually  brought 
Embogo  to  the  frontier  of  Uganda. "f  Hence  Lugard 's 
saying  now  that  he  restored  Mwanga  because  he  was 
rightful  king  was,  as  his  own  words  proved,  merely  a 
diplomatic  ruse. 

But,  it  may  be  asked,  why  then  did  the  Muhammedans, 
almost  immediately  afterwards,  accept  his  terms,  and 
eventually  hand  over  their  Sultan  Embogo .-'  The 
answer  is  that  they  must  have  had  an  understanding 
with  the  Sudanese.  That  some  such  understanding 
existed  becomes  more  and   more  undeniable  the  more 

*  '*  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p  437. 
t  Ibid.,  p.  383. 


1892]        Understanding  between  Mukantmedans  2,'^ 2) 

we  study  the  evidence  at  our  disposal.  There  appears 
to  be  an  axiom  current  in  many  quarters  that  the 
evidence  of  a  black  man,  however  respectable  he  may 
be,  is  absolutely  unreliable  ;  but  fortunately  we  have 
testimony  of  white  men  which  leads  to  the  strongest 
presumption  that  an  understanding  had  already  been 
come  to  between  the  Sudanese  and  Muhammedan 
Baganda. 

As  early  as  1891  vague  reports  had  reached  Lugard 
that  the  Muhammedan  Ba-ganda  had  tried  to  tempt  the 
Sudanese  to  coalesce  with  them  as  being  their  co-religion- 
ists ;  *  but  at  the  beginning  of  1892  things  had  taken 
more  shape,  for  early  this  year  Lugard  sent  urgent 
messages  to  the  Sudanese  to  order  them  to  be  ready 
with  a  powerful  fighting  force,  to  watch  the  Muham- 
medans  ;  and  if  they  saw  they  were  advancing  into 
Uganda  to  attack  them  in  the  rear.  On  March  26th 
he  received  a  letter  from  young  Mr.  de  Winton  to  say 
he  had  not  got  the  force  togetJier  to  luait  on  tJic  flank  of 
the  Miihanimeda7is,  as  Lugard  had  directed  him.  The 
Sudanese,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  left  to  raid  and 
ravage  King  Kabarega  of  Unyoro  on  the  ground  that 
he  had  given  countenance  and  help  to  the  Muham- 
medan Ba-ganda.  On  March  9th  news  reached  Lugard 
that  the  Muhammedan  Ba-ganda  Jiad  finally  broken  with 
Kabarega,  and  had  declined  to  fight  against  their 
co-religionists,  the  Sudanese.  Kabarega's  people  there- 
fore attacked  the  Sudanese  without  their  Uganda  allies, 
and  received  a  severe  defeat  at  their  hands.  Then  the 
Muhammedan   Ba-ganda   turned    round   on    Kabarega, 

*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  381. 


324  Death  of  de   Winton  [1892 

seized  large  numbers  of  the  people  of  Unyoro,  and 
plundered  and  looted  the  country  before  leaving  it  on 
the  way  to  Uganda.*  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that 
Lugard's  order  to  the  Sudanese  to  check  the  Muham- 
medan  advance  on  Uganda  was  disregarded,  while  we 
now  find  the  Muhammedan  Ba-ganda  fighting  on  the 
same  side  as  the  Sudanese  against  their  old  ally 
Kabarega.  This,  in  my  mind,  is  convincing  and 
overwhelming  testimony  to  the  categorical  statements 
of  natives  that  there  did  exist  a  complete  under- 
standing between  the  Sudanese  garrisons  and  the 
Muhammedan   Ba-ganda. 

To  make  this  more  clear  than  ever  is  the  fact  that 
the  Muhammedans  had  written  to  young  Mr.  de 
Winton  begging  him  in  the  most  friendly  manner  to 
come  to  their  camp,  and  that  he  actually  did  so, 
accompanied,  or  rather  carried,  by  the  Sudanese 
themselves — a  clever  policy,  which  placed  an  im- 
portant Englishman  as  a  helpless  prisoner  in  the  hands 
of  that  faction  whose  one  aim  was  to  obtain  a  firm 
foothold  in  Uganda,  in  order  to  carry  out  further 
schemes  as  occasion  might  offer.  De  Winton  died  on 
March  20th,  and  thus  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
faction  hostile  to  English  rule.  With  him  died  out 
the  last  spark  of  light  in  Toro.  And  Kasagama  and 
his  unhappy  Katikiro  now  felt  the  weight  of  the  fell 
Sudanese,  who,  armed  as  they  were  with  Remington 
rifles,  were  the  real  masters  of  the  country.  The 
horrors  and  atrocities  which  they  then  perpetrated  upon 
the  people  of  Toro  and  the  natives  of  Unyoro  is  one 

*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii ,  p.  400. 


t892]  A  Disastrous  Blunder  325 

of  the  darkest  pages  of  the  book  of  Africa's  story,  that 
roll  written  within  and  without  with  lamentation  and 
mourning  and  woe. 

However,  the  negotiations  proceeded,  and  Lugard 
asked  the  Muhammedan  envoys  what  they  would  be 
satisfied  with  ;  and  it  was  finally  arranged  that  they 
should  receive  the  three  provinces  of  Kitunzi,  Katambala, 
and  Kasuju.  This  was  done  against  the  strong  remon- 
strances of  the  chiefs  and  king,  who,  according  to 
Captain  Lugard,  would  listen  to  neither  justice,  fair 
play,  nor  common  sense.  In  other  words,  they  could 
not  adopt  his  views  since  his  arguments  did  not 
convince  them,  though  they  gave  way  to  the  vehemence 
he  displayed.  It  was  then  settled  that  Lugard  should 
go  himself,  in  order  to  arrange  the  matter  of  Embogo's 
return. 

There  are  very  {^\\  passages  of  African  history  more 
interesting  than  Captain  Lugard's  fine  description  of 
his  interview  with  Embogo,  the  Muhammedan  Sultan, 
and  of  the  manner  in  which  the  various  difficulties  were 
overcome.  There  is  little  doubt  that  the  presence  of 
Selim  Bey,  and  the  advantage  Lugard  possessed  in  having 
a  faithful  Muhammedan  adherent  in  Duala,  made  it 
possible  for  him  actually  to  return  with  Embogo  and 
his  Muhammedan  adherents  to  Kampala.  It  was  a 
brilliant  feat,  and  Captain  Lugard's  fellow-countrymen 
might  well  be  proud  of  the  courage  and  resource  he 
had  displayed  ;  but  viewed  in  its  merely  political  light 
it  was  a  disastrous  blunder. 

First  of  all,  it  meant  the  eviction  from  their  homes 
and  exodus  from  their  province  of  a  large  number  of 


326  Position  of  the  Muhammedans  [1892 

persons  who  had  settled  in  the  three  districts  now 
handed  over  to  the  Muhammedans,  and  who  had  built 
houses  and  cultivated  land.  They  had  to  leave 
everything,  and  fly  for  their  lives  before  this  marauding 
host  of  fanatical  freebooters,  suddenly  introduced  into 
their  country. 

Secondly,  these  Muhammedans  came  back  to 
Uganda  in  the  proud  position  of  those  who  were 
conferring  a  favour  upon  the  patient  British  Resident, 
who  had  come  himself  to  invite,  nay,  to  implore  their 
return,  and  who  had,  moreover,  bribed  them  by 
yielding  up  to  them  a  large  territory. 

Thus  this  Muhammedan  faction,  which  had  been 
driven  out  of  the  country  when  it  came  to  a  matter  of 
fighting,  now  returned  with  all  the  arrogance  and 
pride  which  one  may  imagine  was  the  bearing  of  the 
followers  of  the  first  conquering  Caliphs. 

Their  position  in  Uganda  was  an  anomaly.  They 
were  not  the  conquerors,  as  are  the  Muhammedans  in 
Turkish  dependencies  ;  nor  the  members  of  a  van- 
quished race,  as  in  India. 

Their  entrance  into  Uganda  meant  a  new  era  of 
crime,  while  it  was  evident  to  all  observers  that 
Lugard's  settlement  was  merely  the  calling  of  an 
armed  truce.  Outwardly  it  looked  well  to  see  Mwanga 
and  Embogo  embrace,  and  for  the  moment  appear  as  if 
the  Muhammedan  Sultan  recognised  his  weak  nephew 
as  his  king  and  superior.  Nothing,  moreover,  was 
further  from  the  proud  hearts  of  these  haughty 
followers  of  the  prophet.  They  loathed  their  lawful 
king,   and  studiously  kept  away  from    him,   and    very 


1892]  Two  Stiltans  in   Uganda  327 

soon  there  were  two  Barazas  held — one  of  Sultan 
Mwanga's  on  Mcngo,  the  other  of  Sultan  Embogo's 
at  the  base  of  Kampala  Hill,  and  under  the  shadow  of 
Kampala  Fort,  garrisoned  as  it  was  with  Muhammedan 
Sudanese  soldiers. 


CHAPTER    V 
THE  RAILWAY  SURVEY 


A  sleeping  Man  carried  off  by  a  Leopard — Discovering  the  Dead 
Body  of  a  Companion — Steady  Advance  of  Missionary  Work — 
Earnest  Desire  of  Ba-ganda  to  obtain  Books — Arrival  of  the 
Railway  Survey — Regret  of  all  at  Lugard' s  Departure — De- 
parture of  Walker. 


1892] 


CHAPTER   V 

THE  RAILWAY  SURVEY 

WHILE  the  state  of  the  country  was,  as  may 
be  imagined,  the  all-absorbing  interest,  some- 
times a  diversion  from  politics  would  occur  in  the 
excitement  of  a  leopard  hunt. 

The  place  where  Walker  and  I  were  established 
was  about  half  a  mile  away  from  the  quarters  of  the 
other  missionaries,  and  facing  the  large  house  which 
Walker  and  I  occupied  was  a  long,  low,  square-built 
hut,  divided  into  compartments,  in  one  of  which  our 
boys  slept,  the  other  being  occupied  by  some  goats. 
One  night  a  leopard  broke  through  the  reed-built  wall 
of  the  house,  and  carried  off  a  fine  goat,  though 
providentially  the  boys  escaped,  a  good  fortune  which 
by  no  means  always  attended  human  sleepers  on  the 
occasion  of  a  leopard's  visit.  At  the  very  same  time 
another  leopard  paid  a  visit  to  the  house  of  the  other 
missionaries,  and  carried  off  a  large  native  dog  which 
belonged  to  one  of  them.  Next  day  a  grand  hunt 
was  announced  by  the  Katikiro,  and  all  the  chiefs  beat 
their  drums  and   collected  their  fighting  men   to  seek 


332     Sleeping  Man  carried  Off  by  Leopard      [1892 

the  leopards.  They  arrived  only  with  sticks  and  spears, 
no  guns  being  allowed.  The  warriors  now  formed  a 
vast  circle,  and  began  beating  inwards  and  advancing 
towards  the  centre.  Two  fine  leopards  were  eventually 
found  at  the  base  of  Namirembe  Hill  and  at  the  foot 
of  Pilkington's  Garden.  The  partly  devoured  bodies 
of  the  dog  and  goat  were  discovered  ;  the  leopards 
were  lurking  hard  by.  They  were  soon  despatched 
by  the  yelling  mob  without  doing  more  damage  than 
inflicting  a  scratch  or  two  on  the  more  daring.  The 
failure  of  any  chief  to  attend  a  leopard  hunt  is  very 
severely  visited,  and  a  heavy  fine  is  usually  inflicted 
upon  an  absentee. 

Some  time  afterwards  an  incident  happened  with 
a  more  terrible  ending.  One  of  our  native  teachers 
who  is  now  ordained,  Jonathan  Kaidzi,  came  to  me 
in  the  greatest  grief  and  even  in  tears,  and  told  me 
the  following  story.  The  night  before  his  only 
brother,  he  said,  had  been  carried  off  bodily  by  a 
leopard.  It  appeared  that  at  Jonathan's  country  place, 
some  miles  distant  from  Mengo,  a  number  of  people 
were  asleep  in  the  house,  the  door  of  which  had  been 
secured  merely  by  tying.  The  doors  in  Uganda  are 
made  of  reed  canes  laced  on  both  sides  of  several 
cross  sticks,  and  form  a  substantial  barrier.  The 
leopard,  however  had  forced  its  way  in,  awaking  no 
one,  and  had  pounced  on  the  sleeping  man,  who  was 
lying  on  a  bed,  and  had  carried  him  off  The  other 
inmates  of  the  house  immediately  arose,  blew  the 
embers  on  the  hearth  into  a  flame,  and  saw  that 
their    companion    was    missing.      They    ventured    out 


1892]  Discovering  Dead  Body  of  a  Co7npanion  333 

and  heard  the  horrible  growling  of  the  fierce  brute 
in  the  long  grass  as  he  was  devouring  his  unhappy 
victim.  They  were  too  frightened  to  venture  into 
the    reed    canes.      Probably  the    other  inmates  of   the 


THE    REED    WALL    BEHIND    "  EDGAR      SHOWS   THE    UGANDA 
METHOD    OF    BUILDING. 


dwelling  were  only  women  and  children  ;  at  any  rate, 
they  retired  into  the  house  and  secured  the  door. 
Next  day,  when  light  dawned,  they  went  out,  and 
gathering  some  neighbours  they  ventured  into  the 
tall  reeds,  where  they  found  the  partially  devoured 
dead  body  of  their  late  companion.      The  report  had 


334    Steady  Advance  of  Missionary   Work    [1892 

only  come  to  Jonathan  that  morning.  The  next 
day,  however,  Jonathan  appeared  full  of  happiness 
and  joy.  He  said,  "  I  have  just  met  my  brother. 
It  was  not  he  whom  the  leopard  ate,  but  another 
man."  Such  incidents  as  the  above  helped  one  to 
realise  a  fact  which  is  difficult  of  belief,  and  which 
is  yet  absolutely  true,  that  as  soon  as  darkness 
comes  on  these  prowling  monsters,  so  seldom  seen,  are 
yet  lurking  close  at  hand,  and  under  cover  of  night 
are  stalking  through  our  courtyards  and  sniffing  round 
our  houses. 

But  as  clearing  and  cultivation  and  building  advanced 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mengo  the  visits  of  leopards 
became  less  common,  and  the  capital  began  to  assume 
a  well-kept  and  prosperous  appearance,  which  it  had 
never  displayed  since  the  palmy  days  of  Mutesa.  But 
if  there  was  a  distinct  improvement  in  the  temporal 
surroundings  of  the  people,  what  was  really  of  far 
deeper  import  for  Uganda  and  all  the  countries  in 
that  region,  was  the  steady  advance  made  in 
missionary  work.  There  were,  amid  all  the  jarring  of 
rival  political  interests,  a  number  of  humble-minded 
men  and  women  who  were  seeking  a  city  with  foun- 
dations, and  a  kingdom  that  would  not  pass  away. 
There  were  among  these  "  cantankerous  and  rabid 
Protestants,"  these  "  scheming  and  plotting  Papists," 
men  whose  first  idea  was  the  advancement  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven.  Mugwanya,  the  "  French  " 
Kimbugwe,  had  held  his  high  office,  I  think  I  may 
venture  to  say,  with  the  one  idea  of  advancing  the 
cause  of  true  religion,  while  among  the  "English"  were 


1S92]      Desire  of  Ba-ganda  to  obtain  Books     335 

such  men  as  Samwili,*  Natanieli,  Bartolomayo,  and 
others  who  resigned  important  and  lucrative  chieftain- 
ships, in  order  to  devote  themselves  entirely  to  the 
work  of  teaching.  The  earnest  desire  which  the 
Ba-ganda  people  displayed  to  obtain  books  presented  a 
really  remarkable  phenomenon.  The  anxiety  on  the 
part  of  the  people  to  buy,  and  the  great  crowds  that 
came  in  the  earlier  days  to  purchase  portions  of  Scrip- 
ture, could  hardly  be  exaggerated.  People  brought  to 
my  house  more  than  ten  thousand  cowrie  shells,  in 
order  that  I  might  write  their  names  down  as  pur- 
chasers  of  books  not  expected  to  arrive  for  five  or  six 

*  The  following  touching  letter  from  Samwili  to  Bishop  Tucker 
has  been  widely  circulated  by  the  Church  Missionary  Society. 

(Copy    of    Translation    of    Letter    from    Samwili 
Naganafa.) 

"  Namilembe, 

"January  i8lh,  1894. 
'•  My  Dear  Bishoi'  Tucker, — 

"  How  do  you  do,  my  friend  ?  I  write  to  greet  you,  and  to  thank 
Jehovah  our  God  for  bringing  you  safely,  and  for  protecting  you  from  all 
danger  on  the  road  and  on  the  sea,  which  I  hear  is  very  great.  And  as  He 
has  kept  you  now,  so  we  pray  He  will  keep  you,  and  bring  you  back  again, 
as  all  of  us,  who  are  here,  hope. 

"  I  rejoiced  veiy  much  to  hear  to-day  that  you  had  reached  England,  and 
all  my  friends  who  love  you  will  not  fail  to  rejoice ;  but  again  we  pray  God 
to  give  the  Englishmen  who  are  there  (in  England)  a  pitying  remembrance 
of  us,  that  they  may  be  willing  to  leave  their  country,  which  has  great 
honour,  and  to  come  to  teach  us,  as  the  Son  of  God  got  up  and  left  His 
first  position,  which  exceeded  in  glory  all  estates  of  the  archangels,  which 
have  honour  in  the  presence  of  God,  and  strengthened  Himself  to  come  and 
die  for  us.  Good-bye.  May  the  Grace  of  our  Lord,  which  exceeds  all 
things,  be  with  you  always,  for  ever. 

"  I  am  your  friend  who  loves  you  very  much, 

"  Samwili  Mulago."' 


336  Arrival  of  the  Railivay  Survey  [1892 

months.  To  several  I  had  said,  "  You  had  better  keep 
the  shells  till  the  books  come "  ;  but  the  invariable 
answer  was,  "  We  fear  to  keep  them,  lest  we  be  tempted 
to  spend  them  on  something  else."  * 

As  Easter-tide  drew  on  there  was  a  large  number  of 
candidates  for  baptism,  and  all  the  missionaries  were 
kept  busy  preparing  for  the  solemn  event  which  was 
to  take  place  on  Easter  day,  when  sixty  people  were 
baptised. 

On  June  loth  Captains  Macdonakl  and  Pringle, 
R.E.,  of  the  Railway  Survey,  arrived  at  Mengo.  Their 
report  has  since  proved  to  be  highly  satisfactory,  and 
has  shown  the  practicability  of  making  a  railway  to 
Uganda.  While  these  officers  were  at  Mengo  they  set 
themselves  to  make  inquiries  regarding  various  native 
products,  especially  grain  and  other  food  stuffs.  The 
question  of  whether  a  railway  would  pay  must  depend 
on  what  commodities  the  countries  connected  with  the 
coast  by  a  railway  can  offer.  It  is  evident  that  for 
some  time  a  railway  could  hardly  be  expected  to  pay 
any  dividend  on  the  outlay  ;  but  as  a  means  of  opening 
up  the  Nile  basin,  checking  the  slave  trade,  and  lessen- 
ing the  cost  of  men-of-war  on  the  coast,  the  construction 
of  the  line  cannot  but  commend  itself  to  the  common 
sense  even  of  those  who  are  most  strongly  opposed  in 
the  abstract  to  Imperial  extension.  But  the  strongest 
argument  of  all  for  it  is  that  Uganda,  having  now 
become  an  English  protectorate,  some  better  and 
quicker  and   less  costly  means   of  transport    must    be 

*  Possibly  a  bank,  on  the  model  of  our  penny  banks  in  England, 
might  prove  a  valuable  aid  to  economy  in  the  country. 


HE    LEFT    WITH    ME    TIMOTEO. 


22 


1892]  Regret  at  Lugard' s  Departui^e  339 

inaugurated,  than,  at  its  best,  the  inhuman  method  of 
employing  native  carriers.  And  there  is  no  means  so 
economical  as  a  railroad.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
for  many  years  past  there  has  been  a  steady  payment 
of  some  thousands  per  annum  in  the  transport  of  goods. 
This  traffic  would  pass  at  once  into  the  hands  of  a 
railway  company.  Carriage  now  costs  half-a-crown  per 
pound,  or  £2^0  per  ton.  Some  estimate  it  as  high 
as  three  shillings  per  pound,  or  ;^336  per  ton.  If  the 
directors  of  the  railway  were  wise  and  charged  low 
tariffs  they  would  secure,  I  believe,  large  custom,  both 
European  and  native. 

One  of  the  chiefs  had  sent  Walker  and  me  a  "  Musti^ 
a  large  kind  of  rodent  resembling  a  huge  rat.  It  is  a 
very  favourite  dish  in  Uganda.  The  creature  lives  on 
the  tall  reed-like  grass,  it  has  coarse,  bristle-like  hair, 
and  when  dressed  for  the  table  is  plucked  and  singed, 
not  skinned.  We  invited  the  officers  of  the  Survey  to 
dine,  and  treated  them  to  this  dish.  I  think  they 
approved  of  it.  Our  way  of  living  was  somewhat 
primitive,  as  we  had  lost  most  of  our  belongings  in 
Budu.  The  officers  of  the  Railway  Survey  only  re- 
mained a  few  days,  and  when  they  left  Lugard  decided 
to  leave  Uganda  with  them,  which  he  did. 

In  spite  of  sometimes  grave  differences  all  were 
sorry  to  part  with  him,  both  white  men  and  natives, 
since  he  had  displayed  qualities  which  commended  him 
to  all ;  and  possibly  also  the  feeling  which  he  has  him- 
self drawn  attention  to  existed  in  the  minds  of  those 
whom  he  was  leaving  behind,*'  that  his  successor, 
'  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol,  ii.,  p.  514. 


340  Departure  of  Walker  [1892 

Captain  Williams,  was  even  less  fitted  to  deal  with  the 
grave  difficulties  of  Uganda  than  he  himself  had  proved 
— a  feeling,  however,  that  there  is  no  reason  to  say 
that  subsequent  events  justified. 

Captain  Lugard  and  the  staff  of  the  Railway  Com- 
mission left  Uganda  ^/^  route  for  England  on  June  i  ith. 
He  reached  home  the  following  October  ;  and  there  is 
little  doubt  that  his  able  and  energetic  action  con- 
tributed largely  to  moving  public  opinion  on  the 
question  of  Uganda,  and  in  bringing  about  the  English 
Protectorate.  So  that  whatever  judgment  may  be 
finally  pronounced  on  Lugard's  conduct  of  affairs  in 
Uganda  under  the  most  trying  conditions,  there  is  no 
'doubt  that  he  has  been  largely  the  instrument,  though 
sometimes  a  little  unwillingly,  in  securing  for  the 
Nyanza  region  the  blessings  of  British  rule. 

A  day  or  two  later  Walker  (now  Archdeacon)  left, 
to  visit  England,  after  a  sojourn  of  five  years  full  of 
difficulties,  dangers,  and  trials,  some  account  of  which 
it  is  to  be  earnestly  hoped  may  hereafter  be  given  by 
himself  I  accompanied  my  friend  and  companion  for 
two  short  days'  journey  on  the  way.  Walker  took  with 
him  Mika  Sematimba,  who  was  now  an  important 
chief  (Makamba).  He  left  with  me  the  boys,  Timoteo 
and  Kangiri,  formerly  my  old  pupils,  and  subsequently 
his  little  followers.  Walker  and  I  had  been  together  a 
little  more  than  five  months,  and  it  was  with  many 
regrets  that  I  bade  farewell  to  one  of  the  most  loyal  of 
friends  and  the  truest  of  men. 


CHAPTER    VI 
A    JOURNEY  TO  KAVIRONDO 


Enthusiastic  Greeting  of  Mwanga — A  Split  in  the  English  Faction 
— Appealing  to  Mwanga — Mwanga  gives  Way — A  Fatal 
Tropical  Disease — Wakoli  requests  Smith  to  meet  him. — 
Lynching  of  the  Man  who  fired  the  Salute — Smith  finds 
himself  in  a  Cul-de-Sac — Smith's  Hiding-place  discovered — 
The  Horrible  Suspense  ended — Death  of  Wakoli — Dr.  Wjight 
ordered  Home — Good  Effects  of  Change  of  Scene — Artival 
at  Lubds — /  go  on  to  Kavirondo — A  Challenge  thrown  Away 
— El  Gon  Mountain — An  Amputatioti  under  Difficulties — 
Herr  Wolf's  Kindness — The  Ripon  Falls  {Jinja) — A  warm 
Welcome — Men  of  Holy  and  Humble  Hearts. 


1892] 


CHAPTER    VI 

A    JOURNEY  TO  KA  VIRONDO 

AN  event  of  great  importance  which  now  took 
place  was  the  opening  of  the  grand  new  church 
(July  3  1st)  on  Namirembe  Hill.  The  roof  of  the  church 
is  a  framework  of  the  reed-like  grass  called  muli, 
supported  by  some  three  hundred  pillars,  each  pillar 
being  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  It  is  thatched  with  strong 
grass,  and  projects  in  the  form  of  a  verandah  over  the 
walls,  which  are  (in  the  style  of  ordinary  Uganda 
houses)  of  fine  white  stems  of  the  reed-like  grass  laced 
vertically  side  by  side,  and  fastened  longitudinally  to 
bands  of  reeds.  The  walls  are  double,  the  hollow 
space  between  being  filled  up  with  grass.  The  pillars 
inside  run  in  rows  about  six  feet  apart.  The  building  is 
some  one  hundred  and  forty  feet  in  length  by  seventy 
broad,  and  about  forty  feet  high  along  the  ridge, 
sloping  down  to  some  six  or  seven  feet.  The  church 
is  capable  of  holding  about  three  thousand  people. 

Mwanga,  who  was  now  an  enthusiastic  supporter  of 
the  English  faction,  expressed  his  intention  of  becoming 
a  Protestant,  and  attending  church  in  state.  A  low 
platform,  about  six  or  seven  inches  high,  was   made  for 


344        Enthusiastic  Greeting  of  Mwanga       [1892 

him  at  the  south  side  of  the  church,  while  a  space  was 
preserved  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  church  for  the 
Company's  representative,  and  the  Company's  flag 
was  hung  above  the  Resident's  seat. 

Mwanga  and  his  suite  waited  in  the  vestry  at  the 
south  side,  until  the  beating  of  the  church  drum* 
announced  the  time  for  the  beginning  of  the  service. 
They  then  went  to  the  place  arranged  for  the  king. 
On  his  entrance  all  the  people  spontaneously  arose,  and 
with  sudden  enthusiasm  uttered  a  long  and  loud  cheer 
as  soon  as  they  recognised  the  king.  When  the  tumult 
was  hushed  the  king  took  his  seat,  and  the  service 
began.  The  preacher  was  Henry  Kitakule.t  Bishop 
Hannington's  favourite  boy,  who  had  accompanied 
the  bishop  to  the  Nyanza  on  his  first  journey. 

Next  day,  in  the  old  disused  church,  a  grand  feast 
was  held  in  honour  of  the  occasion,  to  which  large 
numbers  of  guests  were  invited.  The  proceedings, 
however,  nearly  ended  in  a  disastrous  manner.  One  of 
the  guests  secured  a  piece  of  beef,  and  being  in  great 
haste  to  dispose  of  it,  he  endeavoured,  unsuccessfully, 
to  swallow  it  whole,  with  the  result  that  it  choked 
him,  and  soon  he  was  in  extremis,  and  lay  dying 
amid  the  laughter  of  the  bystanders  (slaves  and 
dependents  of  the  chiefs),  who  seemed  to  think  it  a 
capital  jest.      Some  of  the  missionaries  heard    of  the 

*  The  tattoo  for  the  praj'er  drum  in  Uganda  is  the  ordinar)' 
Unyamwezi  caravan  drum-beat,  probably  introduced  from 
Usambiro,  the  Church  Missionary  Society  station  in  Unyam- 
wezi. 

t  Henry  Wright  Duta  Kitakule,  now  the  Rev.  H.  W.,  etc. 


1892]  A  Split  in  the  English  Faction         547 

mishap  in  time,  and  with  Henry's  help  carried  the 
dying  man  to  the  doctor's  house  close  by.  Dr.  Wright 
succeeded  in  withdrawing  the  huge  piece  of  meat  with 
a  pair  of  forceps,  and  the  man  was  snatched  out  of  the 
very  jaws  of  death.  For  a  time  he  was  delirious,  but 
soon  came  round,  and  went  away  very  much  ashamed 
of  himself,  and  I  never  heard  more  of  him. 

But  though  the  new  church  was  opened,  and  things 
seemed  to  be  settling  down  at  Mengo,  and  Christian 
work  was  progressing,  the  political  element  continually 
crept  in  to  mar  and  disfigure  the  spiritual  results. 

A  circumstance  now  happened  which  went  far  to 
strengthen  me  in  my  belief  that  the  late  war  had  not 
been  a  vd^r^ p'acas  of  contending  religious  bigots;  for 
no  sooner  was  the  English  party  consolidated  than 
unmistakable  signs  of  a  split  began  to  appear,  the 
two  camps  being  divided  into  the  Katikiro's  and  the 
Sekibobo's,  Apolo  and  Nikodemo.  Nikodemo  was, 
and  is,  one  of  the  kindest  of  men,  but  he  was  not 
always  the  wisest,  and  in  his  zeal  for  the  English 
Company  he  now  sent  into  Chagwe  to  obtain  some 
ivory  for  them  without  having  received  the  sanction  of 
the  king,  which,  according  to  Uganda  custom,  he  ought 
to  have  done.  The  officers  he  sent,  in  their  endeavour 
to  procure  the  ivory  demanded,  had  roughly  used 
the  Katikiro's  uncle.  This  was  a  grand  chance 
for  Sekibobo's  young  rival,  who  was  most  anxious 
to  seize  old  Nikodemo  and  lead  him  in  chains  from 
the  presence  of  the  king.  Hearing  of  the  trouble 
I  visited  Apolo,  and  reminded  him  that,  but  for 
Nikodemo,  there  would  have  been  no  English  party  at 


348  Appealing  to  Mwattga  [1S92 

all  ;  and  I  urged  that  if  Sekibobo  had  done  wrong 
they  should  make  him  pay  as  heavy  a  fine  as  they 
wished,  but  they  should  not  humiliate  him  before  the 
whole  country  by  rigorously  carrying  out  one  par- 
ticular custom,  when  so  many,  practically  all,  the  old 
customs  had  been  abrogated. 

Apolo  gave  way  to  my  reasoning,  and  promised  that 
he  would  not  press  the  case.  I  thought  the  incident 
was  over.  But  Mwanga  was  only  too  delighted  to 
assert  his  own  privileges,  and  to  humiliate  one  of 
his  foremost  chiefs  ;  and  so  the  whole  matter  was 
reopened  by  the  king  and  some  others,  notoriously 
Lutaya,  a  Muhammedan  favourite  ;  and  old  Sekibobo 
came  to  me  in  great  trouble,  to  say  he  was  to  be 
publicly  seized  and  tied  up.  I  was  greatly  concerned, 
because  I  knew  if  once  this  sort  of  thing  were  set  on 
foot  there  wa:s  no  saying  where  it  might  end. 

A  day  or  two  more  it  might  be  Apolo  who  was  to 
be  seized.  So  I  asked  my  fellow- missionaries  to  come 
with  me  in  order  that  we  might  plead  for  our  old 
friend,  aind  ask  that,  if  he  had  done  wrong,  he  should 
be  fined  and  not  imprisoned. 

So,  when  the  king  held  his  next  court,  we  made  a 
point  of  attending,  and  Sekibobo  was  duly  tried  and 
condemned  ;  and  then  came  the  question  of  tying  him 
up.  His  enemies  were  triumphant.  Apolo  had  for- 
gotten his  promise  to  me.  So  I  got  down  from  my 
chair,  and  kneeling  before  the  king,  who  was  seated  on 
his  mat,  I  said  in  a  low  voice  :  "  Sir,  I  pray  you  not  to 
tie  up  Nikodemo,  who  has  been  the  chief  man  of  the 
Protestants  and  our  father." 


1892] 


Mivanga  Gives   Way 


351 


Apolo  now  lost  his  temper,  and  said,  "  Do  you  plead 
in  secret  ?  " 

I  answered  :  "  I  did  not  wish  to  say  in  public  that 
you  had  deceived  me  ;  you  promised  not  to  press  the 
case." 


DRUM    USED 

INSTEAD      OF 

A    BELL. 


COMMUNION 
TABLE. 


CHURCH    FURNITURE,    ST.    PAULS,    UGANDA. 


Apolo  was  silent,  and  Mwanga  felt  that  it  would  be 
wiser  to  give  way. 

Times  had  changed  since  Mackay  and  I,  in  fear  of 
our  lives,  had  come  before  this  man  to  ask  news  of 
Hannington,  whom  he  was  about  to  murder. 

Mwanga  then  said,  "  Very  well ;  we  will  fine  him." 


352  A  Fatal  Tropical  Disease  [1892 

Whereupon  all  on  Nikomedo's  side  tvveanziged, 
which  is  done  by  waving  the  clasped  hands  up  and 
down,  uttering  the  words,  "  Tweanze,  tweanzege  "  ( "  We 
thank  you,  we  thank  you  "  ). 

The  king  then  said  to  me,  "  You  may  decide  what 
he  is  to  pay,"  as  much  as  to  say,  "  You  had  better  take 
my  place ! " 

I  said,  "  We  only  prayed  that  the  Sekebobo  should 
not  be  seized.  We  do  not  want  to  interfere  with  the 
judgment." 

A  fine  of  ivory  was  then  imposed  by  the  king,  and 
Nikodemo  was  discharged. 

The  last  time  we  had  ventured  to  plead  had  been 
for  the  inhabitants  of  Sesse,  whom  the  king  was 
mercilessly  bleeding  of  cattle.  The  unjust  tax  was 
accordingly  almost  entirely  remitted. 

After  Lugard's  departure  for  England  a  new  enemy 
appeared  in  Uganda  in  the  shape  of  fever,  which 
attacked  the  Europeans  both  at  Kampala  Fort  and  the 
English  mission.  Captain  Williams  had  a  most  severe 
attack  of  h^ematurlc  fever,  brought  on  by  becoming  wet 
through  on  a  cold  and  rainy  evening.  He  came  very 
near  to  death's  door,  but  recovered  sufficiently  to 
resume  his  duties  at  Kampala,  to  which  he  stuck  with 
characteristic  courage.  Dr.  Wright  also,  who  had 
come  up  with  me,  and  had  never  seemed  to  rally 
thoroughly  from  the  weakening  effects  of  the  dysentery 
from  which  he  had  formerly  suffered,  was  also  struck 
down  with  the  same  fell  disease  (ha^maturic  fever), 
so  fatal   to  Europeans  in   tropical  Africa. 

Meanwhile  a  terrible  tragedy  had   been   enacted   in 


1892]        Wakoli  requests  Smith  to  meet  Him       353 

Usoga,  where  another  missionary  was  nearly  losing 
his  life  in  the  person  of  Mr.  J.  C.  Smith,  who  had 
gone  to  take  up  work  at  Wakoli's,  the  paramount 
chief  of  Usoga,  who  was  the  staunch  ally  of  the 
English  Company. 

Smith,  who  with  Gordon  had  visited  Wakoli  in  1891, 
returned  there  in  1892,  and  was  recommended  to 
Wakoli's  care  and  protection  by  Captain  Lugard,  when 
the  latter,  in  company  with  the  officers  of  the  Railw^ay 
Commission,  passed  through  on  his  journey  to  the 
coast. 

Two  days  after  the  survey  expedition  left,  Wakoli 
was  summoned  to  their  camp  to  undertake  the  recovery 
of  three  valuable  loads  which  had  been  stolen.  Wakoli 
was  absent  on  this  business  for  about  a  fortnight.  In 
the  meanwhile  Smith  had  busied  himself  in  building  a 
house  and  making  friends  with  the  people.  At  sunset 
of  a  hard  day,  during  which  he  had  been  working 
navvy  fashion,  he  heard  a  sound  of  distant  horns 
announcing  the  return  of  the  chief.  At  the  same  time 
a  hot  and  panting  messenger  arrived  with  compliments 
from  Wakoli,  and  a  request  that  Smith  would  go  and 
meet  him.  Smith  at  first  demurred  He  was  dirty,  tired, 
and  hungry,  and  felt  in  no  conditfon  to  present  himself 
before  the  chief.  However,  being  urged  by  the  mes- 
senger, he  consented,  and  went  with  the  man.  One  or 
two  of  the  Company's  porters  who  were  stationed  at 
the  fort  hard  by  followed  him,  one  carrying  a  Snider 
rifle. 

As   soon   as    Smith  reached    the   procession    of   the 
returning    chief,  Wakoli  came  forward    and   welcomed 

23 


354     Lynching  of  Man  ivho  fired  the  Salute     [1892 

him,  and  fired  a  gun  as  a  salute,  holding  the  barrel 
downwards  that  the  charge  might  bury  itself  in  the 
ground.  The  man  who  had  followed  Smith  then  fired 
his  rifle  past  S.nith  holding  it  horizontally,  and  was 
sharply  rebuked  for  his  folly  in   so  doing. 

The  chief  then  entered  his  enclosure,  and  in  the  first 
courtyard  turned  round  to  shake  hands  with  his  white 
guest.  He  then  embraced  Smith  in  Uganda  fashion, 
and  no  sooner  was  the  salutation  over  than  the  same 
officious  porter,  having  inserted  a  cartridge  into  his 
rifle,  fired  a  second  salute,  the  charge  this  time  entering 
Wakoli's  side.  For  one  instant,  before  the  shot  was 
fired,  Smith  had  a  nightmare  vision  of  what  must 
happen,  but  had  no  time  to  dash  the  gun  aside 
before  the  bullet  sped.  Wakoli  did  not  at  once  fall, 
and  kept  perfectly  cool.  Not  so  his  warriors,  who  with 
wild  yells  pursued  the  wretched  man  who  had  so  rashly 
fired  the  fatal  salute,  and  who,  terrified  by  what  he  had 
done,  now  endeav^oured  to  effect  his  escape.  In  an 
instant  he  was  in  the  grasp  of  the  infuriated  warriors, 
and  Smith  caught  a  momentary  glimpse  of  him,  depre- 
cating their  anger,  and  endeavouring  to  plead  for 
mercy.  Next  moment  he  saw  a  ghastly  gash  where  the 
man's  skull  was  laid  open,  and  the  next,  the  unhappy 
fellow's  head  was  dashed  into  a  pulp  at  Smith's  feet. 
Wakoli  was  able  to  give  some  orders  about  gunpowder 
— possibly  he  feared  this  was  a  preconcerted  attack — 
then  he  bade  Smith  save  himself.  Smith  urged  him  to 
lie  down  and  allow  himself  to  be  carried  into  his  house. 
At  first  Wakoli  refused,  but  then  allowed  himself  to  be 
borne  into  the  inner  court.       The    position  of  Smith 


1892]      Smith  finds  Himself  in  a  Cul-de-Sac      355 

was  now  almost  desperate.  The  only  man  with  a  head 
on  his  shoulders  was  desperately  wounded,  and  his  un- 
controllable young  warriors  were  thirsting  for  the  blood 
of  another  victim  ;  they  had  only  whetted  the  appetite 
by  the  speedy  lynching  of  the  unhappy  porter.  Smith 
has  graphically  described  how  a  brutish  man,  with 
horrid  yells  for  bullets,  came  to  lead  him  away.  At 
first  all  believed  that  Wakoli  had  been  shot  by  Smith's 
orders.  The  man  came  and  shook  Smith  by  the 
shoulder,  and  Smith  warned  him  off,  and,  in  spite  of 
angry  resistance,  struggled  after  the  bearers  who  were 
carrying  Wakoli.  He  felt  that  his  only  chance  for  life 
was  to  keep  close  to  the  chief. 

Wakoli  was  now  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  court- 
yard, which  was  soon  filled  with  a  surging  crowd. 
One,  who  appeared  to  be  a  chief,  gave  an  order,  and 
immediately  seven  or  eight  warriors  rushed  upon 
Smith,  and  violently  pushed  him  out  of  the  inner 
enclosure.  Hurrying  and  dashing  him  through  three 
courtyards,  they  bade  him  go  home.  One  had  snatched 
his  hat  from  him.  Smith  saw  that  they  had  landed  him 
in  a  sort  of  cul-de-sac,  and  he  felt  that,  at  all  hazards, 
he  must  get  back  to  Wakoli's  presence.  Up  to  this 
point  he  had  made  but  little  resistance,  but  now  he 
threw  the  warriors  from  him  right  and  left,  and  rushed 
back  by  the  way  he  had  come.  There  was  a  block 
here,  and  the  sliding  door  was  closed  ;  he  dashed  it 
down,  passed  over,  and  seizing  one  of  his  assailants, 
turned  him  round  between  himself  and  the  spears  now 
poised  threateningly  on  all  sides.  The  chief  who 
ordered   his    expulsion   was   furious,    but   Wakoli    now 


35^        Smith's  Hiding  Place  Discovered         [1892 

intervened  and  bade  them  not  molest  Smith,  who  had 
for  some  time  evaded  the  whirling  clubs  and  flashing 
axes  brandished  by  many  ;  but  up  to  this  point  there 
yet  wanted  one  bold  enough  to  strike. 

Wakoli  now  ordered  his  people  to  carry  him  into  a 
house.  Again  an  agonising  struggle  with  the  angry 
crowd,  and  Smith  found  himself  inside  the  house. 
Wakoli  was  now  lying  between  him  and  his  would-be 
murderers.  Some  one  whispered  hoarsely  to  him  to 
hide  himself  He  was  able  for  a  time  to  conceal 
himself,  but  could  hear  the  maddening  yells  of  the 
warriors  demanding  his  blood.  These,  in  their  fury 
almost  trampled  their  dying  king  underfoot.  Wakoli, 
seeing  how  things  stood,  assured  the  multitude  that 
the  white  man  had  vanished,  and  that  they  could  not 
find  him  here.  The  mob  then  rapidly  diminished,  and 
were  turned  out  of  the  courtyard.  The  attendants 
then  removed  Wakoli  outside,  in  order  to  wash  his 
wound. 

Smith  was  now  alone  in  the  house.  Presently  three 
men  came  in,  and  then  a  fourth  ;  they  said  nothing, 
but  began  to  blow  the  embers  of  the  fire  on  the  hearth 
into  a  blaze.  The  house  had  become  almost  pitch 
dark  by  this  time,  a  kindly  darkness  which  served  to 
conceal  the  white  stranger  in  hiding  for  his  life.  The 
sudden  flame  now  illumined  every  corner  of  the 
building,  and  Smith,  seeing  he  was  discovered,  politely 
saluted  the  men  who  had  entered.  They  made  no 
reply,  but  looked  at  one  another,  and  then  sprang  upon 
Smith.  He  deprecated  their  violence,  saying  if  they 
wished  to  make  him  prisoner  he  would  submit  quietly. 


1892]  The  Horrible  Suspense  Endea  357 

Accordingly  they  stripped  off  his  coat  and  waistcoat, 
leaving  him  with  trousers  and  vest.  They  then  tied 
his  hands,  but  immediately  caught  up  their  spears, 
showing  Smith  that  their  tying  his  hands  was  only  a 
ruse  to  make  it  easy  for  them  to  murder  him. 

With  a  sudden  violent  effort  he  wrenched  his  hands 
loose,  and  was  once  more  free.  Again  they  brandished 
their  spears,  and  one  even  aimed  a  gun  at  him  ;  but 
partly  from  awe  of  the  dreaded  white  man,  partly  from 
fear  of  what  the  consequences  might  be,  they  did  not 
muster  up  courage  to  use  either  weapon.  The  horrible 
suspense  was  at  length  ended  by  the  reappearance  of 
Wakoli,  whom  his  attendants  again  placed  in  the  house  ; 
and  Smith's  assailants  then  ran  off  as  if  for  their  lives, 
and,  overcome  with  overstrain  and  exhaustion,  Smith 
fell  into  a  deep  sleep.  After  some  hours  he  awoke, 
feeling  bitterly  cold,  his  teeth  chattering  uncontrollably. 
Wakoli's  mother  now  came  and  bade  him  follow  her, 
and  she  conducted  him  safely  to  the  Company's  camp,* 
and  begged  of  him  to  find  some  medicine.  Smith 
had  little  medicine  of  any  kind  with  him,  except 
quinine,  which  most  of  the  native  chiefs  know.  So  he 
procured  some  quinine,  and  followed  the  chief's  mother 
back  again.  He  had  hesitated  about  relinquishing  the 
shelter  of  the  stockade,  such  as  it  was  ;  but  feelings  of 
humanity,  and  a  desire  to  help  his  sick  friend,  conquered, 
and  there  is  little  doubt  that  his  so  returning  saved  his 
life,  since  his  refusal  to  have  done  so  would  have  been 
looked   upon   as   an  act  of  hostility,  and   a  proof  that 

*  The  Company's  fort  at  Wakoli's  was  a  stockade  made  in 
native  fashion. 


358  Death  of  Wakoli  [1892 

he  felt  guilty  of  the  attempt  on  WakoH's  life.  The 
Company's  few  porters  could  never  have  held  the  stockade 
against  Wakoli's  warriors.  On  returning,  though  he 
was  robbed  of  his  boots  by  some  of  the  warriors,  he 
was  allowed  to  see  Wakoli,  where  a  council  was 
going  on.  The  subject  appeared  to  be  as  to  whether 
or  not  he  should  be  killed.  The  women,  however, 
entreated  that  he  might  be  spared.  There  was  then 
a  whispered  consultation  between  Wakoli  and  others. 
The  dying  chief  then  called  his  sister,*  and  bade 
her  accompany  Smith  safely  back  to  the  Company's 
stockade.  At  sunset  of  that  day  Wakoli  died. 
Smith  remained  in  the  stockade  for  three  weeks,  until 
the  arrival  of  Captain  Williams,  who  had  hastened 
from  Mengo  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  Smith's  great 
danger,  and  of  the  critical  position  of  affairs  in  Usoga 
occasioned  by  Wakoli's  death.f 

*  An  African  chiefs  sister  is  usually  a  person  of  great  con- 
sideration. 

t  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Smith  for  very  full  notes  of  the  above 
account,  enclosed  with  which  was  the  following  letter : — 

"Chilworth  Vicarage,  Romsey,  Hants, 
"  August  11th,  1894. 
"My  Dear  Ashe,-- 

"  Very  rarely  do  I  care  to  renew  the  memory  of  one  of  the  most 
wonderful  experiences  a  man  can  claim  to  have  had.  It  is  too  wonderful 
for  many  to  believe,  and  that  is  one  cause  of  my  reticence  about  it ;  another 
cause  is  its  horrible  reality  for  me,  and  the  vision  of  the  man's  head  dashed 
to  atoms.  There  was  a  Divine  power  helping  me.  You  knew  Wakoli, 
for  whom  I  want  you  to  express  my  deepest  admiration,  and  I  also  must 
supplement  his  name  by  that  of  Major  Williams,  as  calling  for  my  unfading 
gratitude. 

"  Believe  me, 

"  Yours  ever  affectionately, 

"  F.  C.  Smith," 


1892] 


Dr.    Wright  ordered  Home 


359 


Such  in  brief  is  the  story  of  the  tragedy  of  Wakoli's 
death,  and  of  the  frightful  adventure  that  the  devoted 
missionary  was  called  upon  to  undergo  in  the  same 
country,  not  many  leagues  distant  from  the  ground 
which  had  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  James 
Hannington. 

But  to  return   to   our  sick   doctor  at   Mengo.      Dr. 


"5^ 

Jt^^ 

«_ 

-  _j 

\            ^  -'    "M 

-r.  > 

— .1 — .  T   ■4''^ 

•Jf  ■-    'VIP 

W.    WILSON 
OF    I.B.E.A.    CO. 


F.    C.    SMITH 
OF    C.M.S. 


Macpherson  gave  so  grave  a  verdict  upon  Dr.  Wright's 
case,  and  so  strongly  urged  his  return  to  England, 
that  we  felt  it  right  to  ask  him  to  leave  Uganda 
for  a  change  that  was  so  necessary  ;  at  the  same  time 
we  asked  Mr.  Smith,  who  had  just  undergone  the 
terrible  experience  narrated,  and  who  we  also  felt 
required  a  change,  to  accompany  the  doctor,  and  to 
look  after  him   on   the  long  and   trying  journey  to  the 


360         Good  Effects  of  Change  of  Scene        [1892 

coast.  Captain  Williams  very  kindly  put  the  Com- 
pany's boat  at  the  disposal  of  the  mission,  and  sent 
one  of  his  own  officers  (Mr.  Wilson)  in  charge.  Very 
shortly  after  Dr.  Wright's  departure  Dr.  Macpherson, 
who  had  shown  much  kindness  in  attending  him,  was 
prostrated  by  a  very  severe  attack  of  fever.  I  had 
gone  up  to  Kampala  to  help  Mr.  Bagge  a  little, 
upon  whom  now  devolved  the  trying  work  of  looking 
after  both  the  patients — the  doctor  in  a  very  serious 
condition,  while  Captain  Williams  was  only  recovering 
from  a  severe  illness. 

There  is  not  infrequently  accompanying  African 
fever,  especially  in  its  acute  stages,  a  despondency 
which  it  is  difficult  to  describe,  and  which  is  always 
a  very  dangerous  symptom  ;  and  this  acute  stage 
Macpherson  had  now  reached.  I  felt  sure  that  the 
best  thing  for  him  would  be  to  move  him  out  of 
Kampala,  where  new  scenes  would  tend  to  rouse  him 
up.  I  had  known  the  almost  miraculous  effect  it  had 
produced  upon  the  late  Bishop  Hannington,  when  he 
lay  at  death's  door  years  ago  at  Uyui,  when  we  simply 
took  him  up  and  carried  him  off  in  a  hammock,  with 
the  result  that  he  completely  shook  the  fever  off — at 
any  rate,  for  a  time.  Mackay,  too,  in  his  last  illness, 
over  and  over  again  had  desired  to  be  carried  out  of 
Usambiro,  but  the  request,  made  as  it  was  amid  the 
wanderings  of  fever,  was  put  down  to  mere  delirium, 
and  disregarded. 

Dr.  Macpherson  had  overstayed  the  time  for  which 
he  had  taken  service  under  the  Imperial  Compan)',  and 
everything  was    ready  for    his    journey   to   the   coast. 


1892]  Arrival  at  Luba's  361 

But  he  was  too  ill  to  start  alone.  Bagge  could  not 
leave  Captain  Williams,  Grant  was  in  Ugogo.  and 
Wilson,  the  only  other  official  of  the  Company,  had 
gone  in  charge  of  the  boat  with  our  missionaries. 
Smith  and  Wright.  Under  these  circumstances,  having 
duly  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  Mission  Finance 
Committee,  I  gladly  volunteered  to  accompany  my 
sick  friend  a  little  distance  on  the  journey.  I  was  not 
at  all  sorry  that  the  path  of  duty  was  leading  me  for 
a  time  out  of  a  country  which  may  not  unjustly  be 
termed  the  "  Ireland  of  Africa."  Macpherson  was 
returning  to  the  coast  by  the  English,  and  not  the 
German  route,  with  which  latter  I  was  familiar. 
Captain  Williams  had  decided  to  send  down  to  the 
coast  with  the  doctor  a  few  Sudanese  soldiers,  and 
one  or  two  of  the  Egyptian  officials  who  had  formerly 
belonged  to  Emin  Pasha's  administration.  Our  way 
led  us  to  the  Nile,  where  it  flows  out  from  the  Lake 
near  Lubas,  where  Bishop  Hannington  met  his  death. 
Roscoe,  whom  I  mentioned  as  having  gone  to  Lubas 
to  open  a  mission  station,  had  only  stayed  there  a  very 
short  time,  and  had  returned  to  Mengo  with  Smith. 
A  faithful  Muganda,  Yoana  Muira  (now  Rev.  Yoana 
Muira)  had  come  to  take  his  place,  and  he  kindly 
received  us  in  the  house  which  Luba  had  built  for 
Roscoe,  Next  day  a  short  march  brought  us  to  Luba's 
own  village.  We  were  travelling  very  slowly  on 
account  of  the  sick  man. 

I  was,  as  may  be  imagined,  deeply  interested  at 
everything  here.  The  fine-looking  old  chief,  Luba, 
received    me    most    courteously — the  same  who    with 


362  I  go  on  to  Kavirondo  [1892 

his  wives  had  come  to  look  on  Hannington  while  a 
prisoner  here  in  "cruel  adversity."  At  some  little 
distance  was  the  hill,  from  the  summit  of  which  the 
bishop  had  seen  his  first  view  of  the  Nile.  How 
strange  it  seemed  that  the  road  he  had  given  his  life 
to  buy  was  now  open,  and  an  English  missionary 
passing  along  it  in  peace  !  Slowly  we  journeyed  to 
Wakoli's,  the  scene  of  Smith's  late  adventure.  Wakoli 
had  been  succeeded  by  his  son  Mutanda,  a  drunken 
and  dissolute  sot.  I  found  that  very  many  of  the 
people  of  Usoga  could  speak  the  language  of  Uganda, 
which  made  me  feel  more  or  less  at  home  among  them. 
At  Wakoli's  we  found  Grant,  one  of  the  Company's 
energetic  officers  already  mentioned.  The  doctor, 
though  better,  was  still  hardly  out  of  danger,  and  I 
did  not  like  to  leave  him  at  this  point,  so  I  thought  I 
would  go  on  into  Kavirondo.  Here  we  forsook  the 
net  hammock  in  which  the  patient  had  been  hitherto 
carried,  and  slung  his  light  wooden  camp  bed  on  a 
bamboo  pole.  I  commend  this  plan  to  every  African 
traveller,  in  case  he  should  need  to  be  carried,  as  being 
infinitely  more  comfortable  and  safe  than  the  hammock  ; 
for  in  case  the  carriers  let  the  camp  bed  fall,  the 
occupant  is  not  brought  heavily  to  the  ground,  as  he 
would  be  in  a  net  hammock,  for  the  legs  of  the  bed 
break  the  fall. 

The  country  through  which  we  were  passing  looked 
almost  like  a  magnificent  forest,  so  thickly  was  it  wooded 
with  splendid  trees  ;  while  each  day  we  wandered  on 
through  endless  banana  groves. 

An  amusing  incident  happened  at  one  of  our  camp- 


1892]  A   Challenge  thrown  Away .  363 

ing  grounds.     I  had  a  large  Masai  donkey  with  me,  and 
when  the  cattle  came  home  a  great  bull  saw  the  donkey, 
and  immediately  challenged  it  to  mortal  combat.    First 
of    all  the  bull    slowly  advanced,  bellowing  savagely, 
then  it  stopped   for  a   while,  and   pretended   to  graze, 
then  it  tossed  up  the  earth,  and  advanced  further.    The 
donkey  the  while    stood    perfectly  quiet,  hardly  even 
pricking    its  ears.       When   the  bull    came   quite  close 
the  donkey  simply  looked  at  it  with  all  the  contempt 
a  donkey  can  express,  as  much  as  to  say,  "  What  does 
this  great  bellowing  '  ass  '  want .'' "     Not  one  foot  did 
the  donkey  budge  ;  and  the  bull,  as  if  realising  that 
his  challenge  was  somewhat  thrown  away,  sneaked  back 
again,  trying  to  appear  as  if  he  had   had  no  hostile 
intentions  with  regard  to  the  donkey.     He  found,  how- 
ever, on  his  return,  a  combatant  ready  for  him   in  the 
shape  of  a  big  black  bull  which  we  had  brought  with 
us,  and  then   there  was  a  grand  battle  between  these 
two    champions  of    the   herd.        It  is    a    curious  fact 
that  it  is  fairly  safe  to  leave  donkeys  to  take  care  of 
themselves  against  all  comers  ;  for  when    free  to  use 
their  heels  leopards  and   even   lions  are  very  chary  of 
attacking    them.       It    is    generally   when    tied    up    or 
enclosed  that  they  are  killed  by  these  mighty  carnivora. 
Passing   out    of   the   banana   groves   of  Busoga    we 
entered  the  wilder  and   more  naked   country  of  Kavi- 
rondo,  or    Bakedi,   as    the    people  of    Uganda    call    it. 
Like  country,  like  people,  for   the   Bakedi  were  without 
exception  more  absolutely  devoid  of  clothing  than  any 
people  I  have  ever   come  across.      Naked   men  I  was 
accustomed    to    in    Unyamwezi    and    Ugogo,   but    the 


364  El-Gon  Mountain  [1892 

women  always  wore  some  slight  apology  for  a  covering. 
Here  some  of  the  women  indeed  had  a  little  fringe  both 
before  and  behind  attached  to  a  string  tied  round  the 
waist,  but  it  seemed  quite  immaterial  whether  it  was 
worn  or  not.*  Yet  from  this  country  to  Busoga  is 
but  half-an-hour's  walk,  and  the  Busoga  are  clothed 
from  head  to  foot. 

We  had  a  fine  view  as  we  neared  the  Nzoia  River 
of  the  great  El-Gon  mountain,  or  Masaba,  as  the  Ba- 
ganda  call  it.  While  encamped  in  this  region  an 
unhappy  incident  occurred  which  I  will  relate. 

Dr.  Macpherson  was  decidedly  better,  and  had  been 
able  to  ride  the  donkey  a  little,  and  we  were  making 
steady  progress  to  the  river.  We  had  several  cattle, 
among  which  were  a  cow  and  her  calf,  in  charge  of  a 
Wahuma  herdsman  and  his  boy,  whom  I  had  brought 
with  me.  Grant  (who  was  now  with  us,  and  his  detach- 
ment of  Sudanese  soldiers)  also  had  some  cattle.  It 
appeared  there  was  some  little  disagreement  between 
my  cowman  and  the  Sudanese  who  looked  after  Grant's 
cattle.  Whether  what  occurred  had  any  connection 
with  it  or  not  I  must  leave  the  reader  to  judge.  Late 
on  the  night  in  question,  a  leopard  seems  to  have  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  into  the  cattle  enclosure,  and  in  either 
carrying  off  or  frightening  away  a  calf  The  Wahuma, 
it  may  be  observed,   look  on   their  cattle  much  as  they 

*  I  was  anxious  to  purchase  one  of  these  fringes,  but  found 
some  diflSculty  in  procuring  a  spare  one.  One  of  the  bystanders 
immediately  divested  herself  of  the  one  she  was  wearing  and 
brought  it  to  me.  I  bought  it.  There  was  not  the  slightest 
immodesty.  She  had  only  made  herself  like  many  of  her  sisters 
standing  by. 


1892]       An  Amputation  tinder  DiffLculties       365 

do  on  their  children,  and  my  man  was  immediately  on 
the  alert.  My  man  Kakonge  followed  the  cries  of  the 
calf,  and  called  loudly  to  another  man,  a  Muganda 
sleeping  near  him,  to  bring  a  wisp  of  lighted  straw 
in  order  to  search  for  the  young  creature.  The 
Sudanese  sentry  heard  them  shouting.  Kakonge  said 
in  Luganda,  "  A  wild  beast  is  after  the  calf."  The 
sentry  went  and  told  the  corporal  or  sergeant,  who 
came  out  with  his  rifle,  and  without  challenging  fired 
point-blank  at  Kakonge.  I  heard  the  shot.  Presently 
Timoteo  came  in  and  said,  "  They  have  shot  Kakonge." 
I  lighted  a  candle  and  went  out,  and  there  stood  poor 
Kakonge,  with  his  hand  smashed  to  pieces,  hanging 
by  the  skin  and  sinews.  Happily  the  doctor,  though 
still  very  weak,  was  able  to  deal  with  the  case.  On 
looking  at  it  he  said,  "  It's  a  bad  business.  The  arm 
must  come  off."  He  happened  to  have  a  case  of 
surgical  knives  with  him,  so  there  and  then,  by  the 
light  of  a  couple  of  candles,  the  operation  was  per- 
formed. He  had  no  chloroform,  but  Kakonge  bore 
it  well,  and  the  doctor,  though  so  weak  and  ill,  did  his 
work  splendidly.  A  little  later  all  was  quiet  again, 
and  old  Kakonge  lay  in  my  tent  smoking  a  pipe. 

Next  day  we  reached  the  Nzoia  River,  and  crossed  in 
the  Company's  Berthon  boat,  and  camped  in  the  large 
village  of  Mumias.  But  as  we  were  crossing  news 
reached  us  of  the  near  approach  of  a  large  European 
caravan,  and  the  same  day  there  came  into  Mumias 
Major  Eric  Smith,  with  Martin,  the  Company's 
caravan  agent,  also  Herr  Wolf,  the  German  newspaper 
correspondent,   who  was    coming   to    Uganda   to    find 


366  Herr   Wolf  s  Kindness  [1892 

wherewith  to  fortify  the  ex-parte  statements  he  had 
written  home  from  the  mouths  of  the  French  priests  in 
Zanzibar.  Major  Smith  brought  news  of  the  intention 
of  the  Government  to  subsidise  the  Company  for 
three  months,  in  order  to  give  them  time  to  evacuate 
Uganda. 

At  Mumias  I  bid  farewell,  with  many  regrets,  to 
Dr.  Macpherson,  whose  experiences  during  his  service 
with  the  Company  would  fill  an  interesting  volume. 
He  had  accompanied  Lugard  to  Kavali's,  had  seen  the 
glorious  Ruenzori,  and  many  other  African  wonders. 
I  am  happy  to  say  he  made  a  prosperous  journey  to 
England,  where  his  native  air  soon  set  him  on  his  feet 
again.  Major  Smith  rested  two  or  three  days  at 
Mumias,  and  I  accompanied  him  back  to  Uganda.  He 
brought  with  him  a  Maxim  gun,  and  a  considerable 
quantity  of  ammunition,  the  surest  sign  of  all  to  me 
that   no  evacuation  of  Uganda  was  intended. 

Poor  old  Kakonge,  the  cowman,  was  a  heavy  burden 
on  my  hands  ;  but  Grant  most  kindly  detailed  men 
to  carry  him,  for  indeed  he  was  too  weak  to  walk. 
To  add  to  his  discomfort,  not  long  after  the  loss 
of  his  arm  he  was  attacked  by  dysentery,  from 
which  I  suffered  also  ;  but  three  days'  rest  at  Mumias 
made  me  well  enough  to  mount  the  donkey.  Herr 
Wolf,  however  unkind  his  judgments  against  English- 
men and  English  missionaries  may  have  been,  was 
kindness  itself  to  my  poor  cowman,  earning  thereby 
my  eternal  gratitude.  He  constantly  attended  him  and 
dressed  his  arm.  And  largely  owing  to  his  attention 
Kakonge   recovered,  and   reached   Mengo   with    me   in 


1 892] 


The  Rip  on  Falls  {Jinja) 


Z^l 


safety.  We  recrossed  the  Nile  at  Jinja  (the  stone), 
the  name  given  to  the  Ripon  Falls,  which  are  grandly- 
beautiful,  though  not  awe-inspiring  in  the  sense  that 
Niagara  must  be.  The  highest  fall  at  any  one  point 
is  not  more  than  a  dozen  feet,  yet  for  a  long  distance 
there  is  a  succession  of  cataracts,     The  water  at  the 


^l^r^p^j^. 


y  /••-^^r*-*- . 


SOME   OF   MY   HOUSEHOLD. 


highest  point  flows  over  in  two  main  streams,  with 
a  little  island  separating  them.  I  sat  for  a  time 
listening  to  the  ceaseless  roar  of  the  falls,  whose  mighty 
tones  ever  and  anon  seemed  to  deepen  as  a  greater  gush 
of  water  was  precipitated  to  the  gulf  beneath.  Strange 
to  gaze  on  that  tumult  of  sparkling  waters,  and  to  hear 
its   countless   voices,    which    seemed    to  be  uttering  in 


o 


68  A    Warm   Welcome  [1892 


musical  ravings  thoughts  which  the  poorest  of  mortals 
may  feel,  but  which  the  greatest  can  hardly  put  into 
words. 

A  few  more  days  brought  us  back  to  Mengo, 
where  I  received  a  warm  welcome  from  my  household, 
my  cooks,  Mabruki  and  his  wife,  and  a  small  colony 
of  Wahuma,  who  lived  in  my  enclosure  and  battened 
on  my  cows.  I  had,  by  the  kindness  of  Zakaria 
in  the  Budu  flight,  saved  a  few  bales  of  cloth,  and 
I  spent  most  of  these  in  redeeming  some  of  the 
cattle  which  were  destined  for  the  meat  market,  and 
which  were  frequently  driven  past  my  house  for 
slaughter. 

I  was  very  glad  to  get  home  to  Mengo  once  more, 
as  during  a  good  part  of  the  journey  I  had  been  far 
from  well.  Timoteo  Kaima  had  proved  a  most 
faithful  little  attendant,  and  had,  with  several  other 
boys,  accompanied  me  to  Kavirondo.  They  and 
I  were  soon  to  undertake  what  was  for  them  a  far  more 
important  journey,  as  they  were  destined  to  behold  the 
wonders  of  "  Pwani "  (the  coast)  and  Zanzibar, 

During  my  absence  in  Kavirondo  I  learned  some 
particulars  of  a  quarrel  between  the  chiefs  of  the 
English  faction  which  narrowly  missed  causing  a 
division  of  the  party. 

I  used  sometimes  to  say  to  them  sadly,  "  I  would 
give  you  three  months  of  power,  after  which  I  .should 
expect  to  see  you  split  up  into  two  factions  so  hostile 
that  you  would  stand  face  to  face  with  loaded  rifles 
ready  for  battle." 

The  reader  will  understand  how  terrible  a   hindrance 


1892]       Men  of  Holy  and  Humble  Hearts       369 

to  the  work  of  the  mission  these  eternal  squabbles  and 
quarrels  were  ;  but  in  justice  he  will  remember  also 
that  there  is  a  Parliament  in  England  where  blows 
are  sometimes  exchanged  ;  duels  are  fought  in  France  ; 
while  in  America  revolvers  are  flourished  and  fired 
on  manifold  occasions.  And  these  also  are  Christian 
states ! 

The  sneers  and  sarcasms  hurled  at  missionaries 
and  their  converts,  though  perhaps  fully  deserved, 
are  not  just  from  the  lips  of  that  class  of  English 
people  who  themselves  are  notoriously  deficient  in  the 
virtues  which  they  expect  inferior  races  just  emerging 
from  heathenism  to  exhibit.  Virtues  and  goodness, 
however,  are  found  among  these  races,  and  there  are 
among  them  men  of  holy  and  humble  hearts,  who 
are  a  living  witness  to  the  transforming  power  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  in  those  who  believe  the  Gospel 
of  our   Lord  Jesus  Christ. 


24 


CHAPTER    VII 

(QUESTION  OF   UNYORO  AND    UVUMA 


The  King  sends  for  Roscoe  and  Me — An  awktvard  and  intricate 
Question — Arrival  of  New  Missionaries — /  send  in  my 
Resignation — The  Remains  of  the  murdered  Bishop  brought 
to  Uganda — The  Funeral  Service — Reason  for  arresting  a 
Chief — Armed  Burglary — A  very  lengthy  Memoranduin — 
Favourable  Impression  of  Kabarega — Advantages  of  peaceful 
Policy — An  unreasonable  Demand — Islanders  of  Uvutna — The 
Bavuma  beat  the  Ba-ganda — Frightful  Treachery  of  Mutesa — 
Efforts  to  prevent  the  Attack — Last  Act  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company  in  Uganda. 


1892] 


CHAPTER    VII 

QUESTION  OF  UNYORO  AND    UVUMA 

THE  end  of  this  year  was  marked  by  the  return  of 
Captain  Macdonald  of  the  Railway  Survey,  who, 
when  on  his  way  to  the  coast,  had  received  instructions 
ordering  him  to  re-enter  Uganda,  and  conduct  an  in- 
quiry as  to  the  cause  of  the  outbreak  of  the  fighting  in 
which  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company  and 
the  two  Christian  factions  had  taken  part. 

Just  as  he  arrived  Mwanga  had  evolved  a  scheme  of 
sending  an  envoy  to  England,  and  for  this  duty  had 
selected  Zakaria,  than  whom  no  one  could  have  been 
better  for  the  purpose  ;  *  but  the  acting  Resident  did 
not  wish  any  one  to  be  sent  at  this  particular  juncture. 
He  therefore  visited  the  king,  and  suggested  that 
Mwanga  should  wait  awhile,  and  then  send  three 
envoys,  one  to  represent  each  party.  This  immediately 
touched  the  sore  place  in  Mwanga.  It  was  true  that 
there  were  three  Bakabaka  (kings)  in  Uganda — himself 
for  the  English  faction,  monseigneur  for  the  French, 
and  Embogo  for  the  Muhammedan. 

*  See  p.  180,  for  the   late  Sir  Gerald  Portal's  description   of 
Zakaria. 

373 


374        ^^^  King  sends  for  Roscoe  and  Me        [1892 

"  No,"  said  Mwanga  with  some  spirit,  "  I  am  not 
going  to  send  three  envoys  to  woza  musango  "  (plead 
a  case),  "but  one  ambassador  to  represent  me." 

The  Resident,  in  trying  to  persuade  the  king  to  delay 
sending  his  envoy,  unfortunately  referred  to  Mvvanga's 
having  murdered  Bishop  Hannington,  urging  this  as  a 
ground  why  his  envoy  would  not  be  favourably  re- 
ceived. Immediately  all  the  king's  terrors  and  haunting 
fears  came  back  upon  him  likea  flood,  and  in  great 
agitation  he  sent  for  Mr.  Roscoe  and  myself.  Mwanga 
seemed  in  some  way  to  connect  Captain  Macdonald's 
return  to  Uganda  with  a  possible  scheme  of  long  pre- 
meditated revenge  which  was  being  hatched  against 
himself,  and  with  undisguised  fear  he  asked  us  what 
it  meant. 

It  must  be  remembered  the  French  party  never 
wearied  urging  the  king  to  oppose  the  Company  on 
the  ground  that  they  intended,  when  strong  enough,  to 
take  revenge  upon  him  for  Hannington's  death. 

Roscoe  and  I  assured  him  that  the  matter  had  been 
condoned  ;  but  as  it  seemed  to  agitate  his  mind,  at  the 
king's  earnest  request  I  said  I  would  myself  go  and 
ask  Captain  Macdonald  to  explain  the  object  of  his 
coming,  and  to  assure  the  king  that  he  had  nothing  to 
fear  upon  this  score.  I  accordingly  called  at  Kampala, 
and  told  Captain  Macdonald  what  had  occurred,  and  he 
agreed  to  go  and  see  the  king,  and  explain  matters  to 
him.  He  asked  the  Company's  Resident  (Captain 
Williams),  Herr  Eugene  Wolf,  the  Father  Superior  of 
the  French  mission,  and  myself,  as  representing  the 
English  mission,  to  accompany  him. 


1892]     An  Awkward  and  Intricate  Question      375 

It  fell  to  my  lot  during  part  of  the  interview  to 
interpret  between  Captain  Macdonald  and  Mwanga. 
Captain  Macdonald's  object  was  to  make  clear  to  the 
king  the  reason  of  his  coming,  and  to  disabuse  his 
mind  of  the  terror  which  possessed  it,  and,  in  fact, 
generally  to  smooth  matters  and  to  explain  anything 
which  puzzled  or  alarmed  the  king. 

After  Captain  Macdonald  had  explained  his  own 
position,  and  given  Mwanga  to  understand  that  the 
death  of  Hannington  had  been  condoned,  the  king 
asked  him,  through  me,  whether  the  Company  had 
been  sent  by  the  British  Government,  meaning  practi- 
cally, were  they  really  authorised  Government  agents. 
Any  one  who  knows  the  history  of  the  political  relations 
between  Uganda  and  Zanzibar  from  Mutesa's  days 
will  understand  the  full  significance  of  Mwanga's 
question,  I  refer  to  the  misunderstanding  produced  in 
former  days  by  the  missionaries  having  carried  letters 
to  King  Mutesa  signed  by  Lord  Salisbury,  and  the 
consequent  cross  purposes  with  the  Zanzibar  Consulate. 

The  question  was  an  exceedingly  awkward,  intricate, 
and  difficult  one  to  answer.  If  Captain  Macdonald 
had  said  the  Company  were  not  authorised,  and  had 
no  power  to  make  treaties,  then  what  of  the  Royal 
Charter  ?  If,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were  authorised, 
and  had  power  to  make  treaties,  then  Captain  Mac- 
donald's affirmation  of  this  would  make  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  Government  all  the  more  complete. 

After  considering  Mwanga's  question,  Captain  Mac- 
donald said  the  only  thing  that  he  possibly  could  say 
which  would  not  utterly  stultify  the   Royal   Charter  of 


376  Arrival  of  New  Missionaries  [1892 

the  Company  in  the  eyes  of  the  King  :  "  Tell  the 
king  that  the  Company  have  been  sent  by  the  Govern- 
ment— that  is,  they  are  authorised  by  the  Government." 
I  did  so  most  explicitly  and  clearly,  so  that  the  im- 
pression conveyed  by  the  Company's  officials  was  made 
absolute  by  me,  interpreting  for  Captain  Macdonald 
that  what  the  Chartered  Company  did  had  the  sanction 
and  authority  of  the  British  Government. 

The  king's  mind  was  greatly  relieved  on  hearing 
form  Captain  Macdonald's  own  lips  that  his  fears  regard- 
ing the  killing  of  Bishop  Hannington  were  groundless, 
and  from  that  day  was  far  more  in  the  hands  of  the 
Company  than  he  had  ever  been  before. 

At  Christmas  time  Bishop  Tucker  and  a  new  party 
of  English  missionaries  arrived  in  Uganda,  and  shortly 
afterwards  the  Times  special  correspondent,  who,  like 
Herr  Eugene  Wolf,  had  certain  theories  of  his  own  to 
maintain.  He  was  not  and  could  not  have  been  quite 
an  unbiassed  inquirer  after  truth,  since  he  himself  had 
tried  his  'prentice  hand  in  Uganda  affairs  as  an  agent 
of  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company  before 
Captain  Lugard's  arrival  in  Uganda  ;  and  in  a  state 
of  affairs  already  far  from  settled  had  proved  rather 
a  disturbing  element  than  otherwise. 

His  position  of  Times  correspondent,  coupled  with  a 
graphic  and  interesting  style  of  writing,  have  perhaps 
given  his  opinions  a  weight  which  they  cannot  claim 
on  their  own  merits.* 

*  Bishop  Tucker  and  others  have  answered  at  some  length  the 
strictures  of  the  Times  correspondent  on  the  Enghsh  mission,  and 
have  drawn  attention  to  his  inaccuracies  and  omissions. 


1892 j  /  send  in  My  Resignation  yi'j 

The  arrival  of  Bishop  Tucker  and  his  goodly 
reinforcement  of  missionaries  was  a  great  relief  to  my 
mind  ;  for  it  had  become  evident  to  me  that,  for 
some  reason  or  other,  the  view  of  the  Company's 
representatives,  rather  than  that  of  our  own  missionaries, 
was  accepted  by  the  Committee  of  the  Church  Missionary 
Society  at  home.  I  knew  that  my  own  Committee  was 
on  very  close  terms  with  the  Directors  of  the  Company, 
and,  owing  to  letters  received  by  me,  I  felt  it  necessary 
to  send  in  my  resignation,  which  I  did,  to  Bishop 
Tucker.  I  felt  it,  moreover,  expedient  to  return  home, 
as  I  desired  to  ask  for  an  explanation  of  the  letters 
addressed  to  me  from  the  secretary  of  the  mission — 
letters  which  I  felt  sure  must  have  been  despatched 
owing  to  some  misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  the 
Committee.*      I  waited,  however,   until  the  month  of 

The  Church  Missionary  Society  may  certainly  be  congratulated 
that  so  hostile  a  critic  of  its  work  in  Uganda  was  even  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  finding  fault  with  the  arrangement  of  the  interior 
of  the  church.  He  launched  the  terrible  indictment  against  the 
Mission  that  there  was  '^  no  fixed  communion  table  in  the 
churchy  Ex  -pede  Herculem,  and  from  "no  fixed  communion 
table  "  the  Times  correspondent ! 

*  Captain  Lugard  writes  :  "  Though  they  "  (Committee  of  the  J 
Church  Missionary  Society)  "never  dissociated  themselves  dis-  j 
tinctly  from  the  action  of  their  missionaries — an  omission  I 
regret — I  think  I  am  within  the  mark  in  saying  that  by  their 
conduct  and  words  on  my  return  to  England  they  wished  me  to 
understand  that  they  approved  my  course." — "  Rise  of  our  East 
African  Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  454. 

Captain  Tugard  had  the  advantage  of  laying  his  own  views 
before  the  secretary,  and  of  apparently  commenting  in  such  a 
manner  on  one  of  my  letters  as  to  lead  to  its  entire  misappre- 
hension. Captain  Lugard  is  probably  right  in  saying  that  he  led 
those  he  spoke  to  in  my  absence  to  approve  his  action,  also  that 


T,yS        Remains  of  the  Murdered  Bishop        [1892 

March,  when  an  opportunity  presented  itself  of  crossing 
the  Lake  in  canoes  with  Mr.  Nickisson,  who  had  come 
up  with  Bishop  Tucker,  and  who  was  about  to  proceed 
to  Nassa,  on  Speke  Gulf,  to  take  up  missionary  work 
with  my  friend  Hubbard  at  that  station. 

Shortly  after  Bishop  Tucker's  arrival  a  somewhat 
dramatic  incident  occurred  which  is  worth  relating. 
Mr.  Martin  had  buried  the  bones  of  the  murdered 
Bishop  Hannington  at  Mumia's  village  in  Kavirondo  ; 
and  Bishop  Tucker,  on  arrival  at  that  place,  determined 
to  exhume  them,  and  carry  them  to  Uganda  for 
interment  there,  and  this  he  had  done. 

On  a  day  appointed  the  funeral  service  was  held  in 
the  church  on  Namirembe  Hill.  The  Resident  attended, 
as  did  also  the  king  and  great  chiefs.  It  had  been  our 
first  intention  to  inter  the  remains  within  the  building, 
but  the  chief  men  in  the  church  objected  that  the 
people  would  say  we  repaired  to  the  church  to  worship 
the  spirit  of  the  departed  bishop,  as  the  heathen  went 

the  Committee's  conduct  to  me  bore  this  out  cannot  be  denied ; 
for  on  the  strength  of  the  letter  of  mine  referred  to  above  a  letter 
was  at  once  addressed  to  me  in  terms  such  as  could  leave  me  no 
other  alternative  but  to  resign  my  connection  with  the  Church  Mis- 
sionary Society.  As  soon  as  I  had  the  opportunity  of  asking  for 
an  explanation  of  the  Secretary's  letter  to  me,  relating  to  matters 
between  the  Company's  reputation  and  myself,  I  was  referred  to 
my  own  offending  document.  It  was  produced,  and  a  few  words 
of  explanation  showed  that  the  strictures  which  the  Committee 
felt  it  was  out  of  place  for  me,  in  my  capacity  of  secretary  to  the 
mission,  to  address  to  Captain  Lugard  as  official  head  of  the 
English  administration,  had  not  been  so  addressed  by  me  at  all. 
The  letter  containing  them,  and  of  which  Lugard  had  a  resume, 
was  written  not  to  Captain  Lugard,  but  to  the  secretary  of  my 
own  Committee. 


1892]  The  Funeral  Service  379 

to  their  tomb  houses  to  worship  their  deceased  chiefs. 
We  therefore  had  the  grave  made  outside,  close  by  that 
of  young  de  Winton.  Bishop  Tucker  preached  a  very 
effective  funeral  discourse,  the  point  of  which  was  that 
all  enmity  and  every  feeling  of  revenge  or  fear  were 
now  to  be  buried  in  that  open  grave.  This,  at  any 
rate,  was  the  most  important  part  as  concerned 
Mwanga. 

We  then  began  the  beautiful  service  for  the  burial 
of  the  dead,  Baskerville  reading  the  first  parts  while  I 
read  the  prayers  at  the  grave.  How  many  conflicting 
emotions  were  there  in  our  hearts  at  such  a  scene ! 
Time  had  passed  with  soothing  hand  to  soften  down 
every  element  of  horror.  I  could  not  but  recall  how 
often,  in  earlier  days,  I  had  been  with  Hannington  in 
sickness  and  the  sore  straits  of  travel.  I,  too,  had 
seemed  to  have  tasted  in  Uganda  that  bitterness  of  the 
death  cup  which  he  had  drained  to  the  dregs  in  Usoga. 
And  now  in  the  providence  of  God  it  had  fallen  to  me, 
in  Christian  Uganda,  to  breathe  over  his  grave  the 
words  of  sure  and  certain  hope  of  the  resurrection  to 
eternal  life  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

As  the  weeks  rolled  on  the  relations  between  the  fort 
and  the  missions  did  not  seem  altogether  to  improve. 
The  missionaries  complained  that  the  Company's 
soldiers  and  servants  treated  the  chiefs  and  people,  and 
even  themselves,  with  only  half-disguised  insolence. 

These  Kampala  soldiers  and  porters  would  come 
stalking  into  the  church  and  interrupt  the  service,  in 
order  to  call  one  or  more  of  the  chiefs  to  a  consultation 
with    the    Company's     representative,    or    they    would 


380  Reason  foi"  arresting  a  Chief  [1892 

come  marching  into  our  private  houses  to  deHver  a 
letter  without  a  word  of  permission  on  our  part. 

Bishop  Tucker,  on  his  arrival,  had  to  suffer  from  the 
same  kind  of  indignity.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
these  are  examples  of  the  general  treatment  accorded 
by  these  dependents  of  the  Company.  They  treated 
Uganda  as  a  conquered  territory.  The  Sudanese, 
moreover,  constantly  stole  the  produce  of  the  people's 
gardens,  and  not  infrequently  committed  much  worse 
crimes  than  this. 

On  one  occasion  an  important  Uganda  sub-chief 
arrested  one  of  the  Company's  porters  who  had  stolen 
some  of  the  reeds  (muli)  used  for  building  ;  but  on  the 
man's  stating,  though  falsely,  that  he  had  bought  them, 
the  sub-chief  at  once  released  him.  The  porter  com- 
plained to  the  Company's  officers  of  his  arrest,  and  the 
Resident  sent  soldiers,  seized  the  chief,  and  put  him  in 
the  guard -room  for  the  night,  for  daring  to  stop  an 
Imperial  Company's  thief! 

The  Company  argued  that  this  sub-chief  in  question 
should  have  followed  the  thief  to  Kampala  and  have 
complained  of  him  there  ;  but  the  injustice  of  this  will 
appear  more  clear,  owing  to  the  circumstance  that  the 
Sudanese  guards  had  received  orders  to  admit  no 
person  to  Kampala  Fort  except  the  great  chiefs,  unless 
he  brought  with  him  a  letter  ;  and  it  is  evident  that 
the  guards  stationed  at  Kampala  would  take  great 
care  that  no  one  should  enter  on  the  errand  of  lodging 
complaints  against  themselves  or  their  companions. 

The  result  of  such  regulations  as  these  was  that  the 
ill-disciplined  soldiers  and  porters  of  Kampala  felt  that 


1892]  Artned  Burglary  381 

they  had  carte  blanche  to  rob  and  ill-treat  the  natives, 
and  pilfer  from  them  with  impunity. 

But  if  small  depredations  were  committed  by  the 
Sudanese  during  the  day,  the  repatriated  Muhammedans 
signalised  their  arrival  by  a  series  of  armed  midnight 
burglaries.  Nearly  every  morning  some  outrage  was 
reported.  There  is  little  doubt,  moreover,  that  many 
of  the  worst  class  of  thieves,  seeing  that  suspicion  would 
naturally  fall  on  the  Muhammedans,  availed  themselves 
of  the  opportunity  to  rob  when  they  might  so  easily 
throw  the  blame  upon  the  hated  Muhammedans. 

I  had  two  experiences  myself  of  these  midnight 
robbers. 

A  sub-chief  in  Chagwe  had  sent  me,  with  greetings, 
a  small  present  of  bananas,  and  the  messenger  was 
spending  the  night  in  my  enclosure  in  a  house  near 
the  road.  Late  at  night  some  thieves  broke  through 
the  gate,  and,  hearing  people  forcing  the  reed  door,  my 
guest  challenged  them.  Next  moment  a  gun  was  fired 
point  blank  at  him,  the  bullet  making  a  clean  cut  in 
the  fleshy  part  of  his  arm,  but  doing  no  serious  damage. 
On  hearing  the  report  of  the  gun  I  immediately  came 
out,  but  as  soon  as  the  alarm  had  been  given  the 
thieves  ran  off. 

Another  night,  Nelly,  Mabruki's  wife,  thought  she 
heard  the  noise  of  some  one  outside,  so  she  got  up 
and  went  out.  Immediately  there  was  a  stampede 
of  thieves.  Mabruki  and  she  lived  in  a  small  house 
near  mine.  I  heard  the  commotion,  so  I  went  out  with 
a  gun.  We  found,  on  examination,  that  the  thieves  had 
made  an  enormous  hole  at  the  base  of  the  house,  and 


382  A    Very  Lengthy  Memorandum  [1^92 

were  in  the  act  of  burrowing  under  the  wall  in  order  to 
gain  admittance.  It  is  the  common  method  of  robbery 
in  Uganda,  and  usually  successful. 

Some  persons,  in  building  their  houses,  place  stones 
under  the  walls,  so  that  the  midnight  excavators  may 
come  on  them,  and  wake  the  sleepers  inside  by  clinking 
the  stones  as  they  pull  them  out  of  the  pit  they  are 
digging  under  the  wall. 

But  whether  the  Muhammedans  were,  in  every  case, 
the  authors  of  the  burglaries,  they  certainly  were  a  new 
element  of  discord  and  trouble  in  the  country,  which  in 
no  little  time  was  destined  to  reach  an  acute  stage. 

Whatever  Captain  Williams  may  have  thought  of 
Lugard's  system  of  dealing  with  the  Muhammedans, 
he  himself  had  gained  a  good  deal  of  influence  over 
them.  He  was  genial  and  pleasant  in  his  bearing 
towards  them,  and  at  the  same  time  absolutely  fearless, 
and  while  paying  little  attention  to  mere  rumours,  he 
neglected  no  means  of  satisfying  himself  of  the  truth 
of  reports  which  reached  him  on  anything  like  good 
authority. 

Captain  Williams'  administration  has  been  severely 
condemned  in  certain  quarters,  and  to  some  extent,  I 
believe,  justly  ;  yet  it  must  be  remembered  that  he  was 
not  carrying  out  methods  of  his  own  conception,  but 
rather  those  of  his  predecessor,  who,  even  on  his 
departure,  left  him  with  a  very  lengthy  memorandum, 
detailing  his  plans  for  the  future.  Lugard,  as  he  has 
mentioned,  had  also  explained  to  Williams  some  forty 
or  fifty  matters  of  importance  !  One  of  these  questions, 
he    tells    us,    was    that    of    making    peace  with    King 


1892]      Favourable  Impression  of  Kabarega      383 

Kabarega  of  Unyoro,  and  I  should  imagine  that 
another  was  probably  that  of  dealing  with  the  warlike 
inhabitants  of  Uvuma,  an  island  which  lies  in  the 
direct  waterway  between  Mengo  and  Kavirondo. 
There  was  also  the  great  question  of  the  Sudanese  in 
Toro,  and  of  the  Muhammedan  faction  in  Uganda, 

These  matters  I  propose  to  touch  upon  in  this  and 
the  following  chapter. 

And  first,  what  had  been  in  the  past,  and  in  the 
future  what  was  to  be  the  relation  of  Uganda  with 
Kabarega,  the  king  of  the  important  country  of 
Unyoro  ? 

In  the  year  1891  Kabarega  had  sent  to  Mwanga, 
just  before  Lugard's  expedition  against  the  Muhamme- 
dans,  to  sue  for  peace.  Captain  Lugard,  without 
giving  the  slightest  proof,  says  that  Kabarega's  pro- 
posals were  insincere,  and  that  he  was  entirely  opposed 
to  Europeans.  Some  of  the  specimens  of  Europeans 
whom  he  had  met  with  he  had  encountered  under 
such  circumstances  of  prejudice  as  hardly  to  give  him 
the  best  opinion  of  them.* 

The  late  Emin  Pasha,  however,  has  given  a  most 
favourable  opinion  of  Kabarega,  and  contrasts  him  with 
Mutesa,  the  friend  of  Europeans,  entirely  to  Kabarega's 
advantage. 

Emin  wrote  :  "  During  my  repeated  visits  Kabarega 
gave  me  the  impression  of  being  a  thoroughly  hospitable 
and  intelligent  man."  He  also  gives  an  instance  of 
gentlemanly  feeling,  forbearance,  and  self-control  on  the 

*  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  Kabarega's  reasons  for 
treating  Major  Casati  as  he  is  said  to  have  done. 


384  Advantages  of  Peaceful  Policy  [1892 

part  of  Kabarega  which  puts  that  ruler  in  a  most  pleas- 
ing light. 

The  evidence  of  Emin  Pasha,  who  personally  visited 
him  and  saw  much  of  him,  is  very  important.  Kabarega 
is,  by  all  accounts,  an  average,  if  not  favourable,  specimen 
of  a  powerful  African  chief.  He  naturally  dislikes 
militant  Europeans  who  carry  fire  and  slaughter  into 
his  country  in  the  teeth  of  his  earnest  efforts  at  making 
peace. 

No  one  can  feel  more  strongly  than  I  do  the 
necessity  of  bringing  African  chiefs  into  a  proper  sub- 
ordination to  European  rule  undertaken  for  the  good  of 
the  people  themselves  ;  but  I  advocate  the  policy  of 
exhausting  every  peaceful  effort,  and  the  spending  even 
a  little  money  to  attain  this  object,  especially  in  such 
cases  as  this  of  Unyoro,  which  owns  the  suzerainty  of 
Mwanga  ;  and  this  in  itself  is  a  very  strong  reason 
for  adopting  a  conciliatory  and  peaceful  policy. 

On  March  25th  of  the  year  1892  Kabarega  made 
another  attempt  to  make  peace,  and  sent  a  tusk  of 
ivory  to  Lugard,  and  a  bundle  of  salt  to  the  Prime 
Minister.  Reverting  to  these  overtures,  Lugard  again 
says  he  knew  them  to  be  insincere,  but  gives  no  word 
of  proof  of  his  statement,  and  is  even  driven  to  quote 
Gordon,*  Felkin,  and  others, as  agreeing  that  Kabarega's 
power  must  be  broken.  But  why  by  force  }  This  is  not 
the  method   England  adopts  with  other  inferior  races. 

*  The  English  people  require  some  more  solid  reason  for  pre- 
cipitating armed  mobs  on  Unyoro  than  a  statement  even  of  the 
late  General  Gordon,  or  Felkin,  who  were  in  those  regions  under 
very  different  conditions  from  the  present. 


1892]  An   Unreasonable  Demand  385 

Force  surely  should  be  the  last,  and  not  the  first  resort. 
Lugard  concludes  by  stating  most  gratuitously  that 
the  probability  is  that  the  men  sent  by  Kabarega  were 
spies.  The  same  methods,  when  applied  to  Captain 
Lugard  himself  by  high  ecclesiastics  of  the  Roman 
Church,  he  very  properly  and  rightly  resented.  Captain 
Lugard  was  not  likely  to  accept  envoys  of  peace,  since 
he  tells  us  "  my  pet  scheme  was  to  conquer  his 
(Kabarega's)  country."* 

And  this  policy  his  successors  seem  to  have  followed 
with  unquestioning  fidelity,  for  on  Lugard's  departure 
the  Company's  representative  sent  Mayanja  (called 
Isaya) — an  old  Uganda  patriarch  and  a  former  chief 
under  Mutesa — to  demand  from  Kabarega  an  almost 
fabulous  amount  of  ivory  as  the  price  of  peace — an 
amount  so  great,  as  in  my  opinion  to  assure,  on 
Kabarega's  part,    the   rejection    of   the    terms. 

No  doubt  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany has  full  particulars  of  this  transaction,  since,  I 
presume,  it  was  noted  in  official  despatches. 

In  the  year  1893,  after  Captain  Williams'  departure, 
Kabarega  sent  messengers  to  Uganda,  previous  to  the 
expedition  against  him  in  that  year,  with  presents 
to  Mwanga,  asking  what  the  white  men  really  wanted, 
and  offering  a  free  pass  to  envoys  who  might  come  and 
inform  him.  These  overtures  were,  however,  not 
attended  to,  and  in  consequence  of  Kabarega's  attack 
on  Toro,  from  which  place  the  Sudanese  garrisons  had 
been  raiding  Kabarega's  country,  and  inflicting  inhuman 
and  unspeakable  outrages  upon  his  people,  Major  Owen 
*  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  415. 

-'5 


386  Islanders  of  Uvuma  [1892 

led  an  expedition  far  into  Unyoro,  inflicting  a  severe 
defeat  upon  Kabarega's  army.  The  king  himself,  how- 
ever, escaped.     See  Appendix  C,  "  War  in  Unyoro." 

To  come  now  to  the  important  matter  of  the  large 
and  independent  island  of  Uvuma.  This  island  was 
inhabited  by  a  brave  and  warlike  people,  who  had 
never  yet  been  subdued  by  the  armies  of  Uganda.  It 
had  been  the  policy  of  earlier  Uganda  kings  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  Uvuma  ;  but  when  Mutesa  came  to 
the  throne  he  determined  to  make  it  his  boast  that  he 
was  lord  of  Uvuma.  The  Bavuma  had  always  kept  on 
friendly  terms  with  Uganda,  and  their  chiefs  had  been 
fast  friends  with  Suna,  Mwanga's  grandfather,  and 
therefore  Mutesa's  action  was  a  new  departure,  and  had 
not,  I  believe,  the  approval  of  his  more  sensible  chiefs. 
Mutesa's  efforts,  however,  ended  in  humiliation  and 
disaster  for  himself.  The  Bavuma  were  splendid  canoe 
men,  and  though  they  might  not  build  better  boats  than 
the  Sesse  islanders  built  for  Uganda,  they  were  warriors 
as  well  as  sailors,  whereas  the  sailors  of  Sesse  left  all 
the  fighting  to  the  Uganda  soldiers. 

My  readers  may  remember  how  Stanley  came  upon 
King  Mutesa  as  he  was  prosecuting  a  war  against 
Uvuma,  and  how  he  manufactured  a  kind  of  moving 
fort,  which  would  resist  the  stones  slung  by  the  Bavuma, 
who  were  very  skilful  with  the  weapon  which  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  had  learnt  to  use  with  such  precision. 
Moreover,  it  was  said  that  the  Bavuma  were  accustomed 
to  dive  from  their  canoes,  knife  in  hand,  and  to  come 
up  under  the  Uganda  canoes  and  cut  the  withes  which 
bound  the  planks  together.      At  any  rate,  they  were  a 


i892]         The  Bavuma  beat  the  Ba-ganda  387 

terror  to  the  Uganda  soldiers,  who  would  not  face  them 
on  the  Nyanza,  however  willing  they  were  to  meet  them 
in  battle  on  land.  Mutesa's  expedition  against  the 
Bavuma,  in  spite  of  Stanley's  presence  and  advice, 
proved  a  dead  failure  ;  and  the  baffled  king  retreated 
with  the  loss  of  some  of  his  important  chiefs,  and  retired 
to  Nabulagala,  to  comfort  himself  with  the  pleasures  of 
his  capital  after  his  unsuccessful  military  undertaking. 

After  a  while,  the  old  friendly  relations  were  renewed 
by  the  two  peoples,  and  the  Bavuma  came  as  of  old  to 
Chagwe  to  hold,  what  would  be  called  in  Lancashire, 
their  "  pot-fair  "  ;  for  they  were  celebrated  far  and  wide 
for  the  excellence  of  their  pottery.  They  ventured,  also, 
to  send  to  Mutesa  to  ask  if  he  would  receive  a  deputa- 
tion, carrying  some  small  presents.  This  the  Kabaka 
(king)  graciously  promised  to  do,  and  the  deputation  duly 
arrived.  Huts  were  provided  for  their  accommodation, 
and  they  were  subsequently  introduced  to  the  presence 
of  the  king.  Their  presents  were  received  with  con- 
descension, and  the  visitors  remained  for  some  time. 
There  was  a  considerable  number  of  them,  nearly  one 
hundred  all  told.  One  day,  as  the  Kabaka  and  his 
guests  were  talking  together,  the  conversation  turned 
upon  the  late  war  and  its  various  episodes,  how  this 
Uganda  chief  and  that  Uganda  chief  had  been  killed. 
The  subject  was  a  pleasanter  one  for  the  guests,  whose 
side  had  been  triumphant,  than  for  the  royal  host,  whose 
armies  had  been  worsted,  and  whose  leaders  had  been 
slain,  I  myself  have  seen  Mutesa's  face  fall  when  he 
was  wroth,  and  can  imagine  vividly  how  his  large  eyes 
dilated   with   anger  as  he  listened   grimly  to  the  glib 


388  Frightful  Treachery  of  Mutesa         [1892 

account  of  his  own  humiliations,  told  with  guileless  glee 
by  the  simple  islanders. 

"  And  it  was  thus  you  killed  my  chief  ?  "  he  suddenly 
asked.  "  Yes,  thus,"  they  eagerly  replied,  not  yet 
suspecting  evil.  "  And  how  did  you  dare  so  to  treat 
my  slaves  } "  asked  the  angry  tyrant.  The  guests 
now  saw  their  mistake,  and  sought  to  deprecate 
Mutesa's  rising  wrath  ;  but  it  was  no  use.  "  You 
come,"  he  cried,  "  to  my  very  presence  to  tell  me 
of  your  evil  deeds  " — his  warriors,  be  it  observed,  had 
been  killed  in  open  war  and  in  fair  fight :  but  that  was 
no  matter.  "  For  these  deeds  you  shall  die,"  con- 
tinued the  angry  king.  "  Take  them,"  he  shouted  to 
his  executioners ;  "  let  not  one  escape."  And  in  a 
minute  or  two  a  ghastly  heap  of  corpses  witnessed 
to  the  treacherous  cruelty  of  Mukubya,  the  causer  of 
tears,  for  that  was  Mutesa's  name. 

On  Mutesa's  death  Mwanga  reverted  to  the  more 
sensible  policy  of  his  grandfather,  and  friendship  was 
once  more  cemented  between  the  two  peoples. 

And  SD  when  Mwanga  was  forced  into  opposition 
to  the  Company  he  sent  to  his  Uvuma  allies  to  come 
to  his  assistance.  It  is  said  that  they  made  a 
demonstration  against  Muwambi's,  but  were  beaten 
off  with  heavy  loss. 

It  appeared  to  be  part  of  the  definite  policy  of 
the  Company  "  to  smash "  Uvuma,  in  order  to  gain 
full  control  of  the  waterway  between  Chagvve  and 
Kavirondo. 

But  however  this  may  have  been,  in  the  beginning 
of    1893,    on     more     or     less    frivolous    pretexts,    the 


1893]  Efforts  to  prevent  the  Attack  389 

Company's  representative  determined  to  attack  Uvuma. 
The  grounds  stated  appeared  to  me  so  wholly  in- 
adequate, that  I  ventured  to  ask  Captain  Macdonald> 
who  had  volunteered  to  give  his  assistance,  if  he  had 
considered  how  very  serious  the  matter  was  to  which 
he  was  about  to  lend  his  countenance. 

Although  Captain  Macdonald  was  a  Government 
Commissioner,  he  entirely  repudiated  the  idea  that 
he  went  in  his  official  capacity  ;  he  simply  volunteered 
to  help  a  brother  officer.  In  consequence  of  what 
I  had  said  to  him,  he  very  kindly  arranged  an 
interview  between  Captain  Williams  and  myself,  and 
the  latter  received  me  most  courteously,  and  promised 
even  at  the  eleventh  hour,  to  send  in  order  to  try 
and  bring  the  people  of  Uvuma  to  accept  his  terms. 

It  was  too  late,  however,  and  there  was  no  reaching 
the  island.  The  whole  fighting  force  of  Uganda  had 
been  collected,  and  the  people  of  Uvuma  knew  perfectly 
well  that  they  were  to  be  attacked. 

Bishop  Tucker  had  also  tried  to  do  what  he  could 
in  the  matter,  but  his  knowledge  of  the  case  was  so 
small  that  he  was  soon  silenced. 

The  French  bishop  was  too  busy  to  intervene, 
though  I  begged  him,  in  the  interests  of  humanity, 
to  do  so.  But  though  he  would  not  lift  a  finger  or 
say  a  word  to  prevent  it,  his  missionaries  wrote  home 
to  Europe  grossly  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  affair, 
throwing  the  whole  blame  on  the  English  mis- 
sionaries ! 

The  attack  was  made  in  Stokes'  boat  and  the 
Company's   steel    boat   and    a    host    of   canoes.     Two 


390   Last  Act  of  I.  B.  E.  A.  Co.  in  Uganda    [1893 

Maxim  guns  were  employed.      The  Bavuma,  as  soon 
as     their     enemy     appeared,     came     on     splendidly ; 
and   had    it   not   been   for  the  frightful    effect    of   the 
Maxims,    which    literally    mowed    them    down    before 
they   could    come    within    striking    distance,    it    might 
have  gone  badly   for   the    Ba-ganda.     The   islands  of 
this     brave    people    were    then    occupied    and    looted. 
Captain    Williams    behaved,   as    was    to    be    expected 
from  an  English  officer,  with  humanity  and  moderation, 
and    was    backed    up    by    the     Christian     chiefs,    who 
returned  a  vast  host  of  captured  women  ;  nevertheless, 
the  Muhammedan   Ba-ganda  auxiliaries,  and  no  doubt 
others,    carried    off    numbers    of    slaves,    and     openly 
brought    them    to    the    capital.      The    Muhammedans, 
who  were  located   some    little    distance    from    Mengo, 
had     to     pass     my    house     in     order     to     reach    their 
encampments,   and    numbers   of   slaves   were    led  past 
my   gate.      I   immediately   wrote    to    Mr.    Grant,   who 
remained  in  charge  of   Kampala  Fort,  to  inform  him 
of   this  circumstance.     Mr.    Grant    acted    promptly  in 
the  matter,  and   sent  out  soldiers  to  patrol  the  roads. 
Fourteen     slaves     were     seized  ;  but     as     soon     as    it 
became    known     that    the    highroads     were    watched 
the   slaves    were    conveyed    secretly    by    other    means. 
The  expedition  returned  on  February  loth,  1893  5  ^"^ 
this   raid    was    the    last    act    of   the    Imperial    British 
East  Africa  Company  in  Uganda. 


CHAPTER    VIII 
THE  MUHAMMEDAN  REVOLT 


TJic  Fruits  of  Hostility  to  England! — Question  of  Missionary 
Extension  —  A  Christian  Conscience  in  Eiigland  —  The 
Muhammedan  Question  assumes  an  acute  Phase — Muhatn- 
inedans  demur  to  the  King's  Orders — Juma  appeals  to  the 
Sudanese — Difficulty  of  Selim  Bey's  Position — Seli7n  Bey's 
reported  Oath^—Apolo  ordered  to  collect  his  Guns — Captain 
Macdonald  summons  the  Europeans  to  Kampala — The  Sudanese 
profess  themselves  Loyal —  Captain  Macdonald  disaritis  the 
Sudanese — Protestant  Chiefs  once  more  uphold  English  Rule 
— Arrest  of  Selim  Bey — Death  of  Selim  Bey — Capture  of  a 
Thousand  Wotnen  —  Macdonald  demands  Unconditional 
Surrender  of  Muhammedans — "  Every  Man  goes  to  the  House 
of  his  Father.'' 


i893] 


CHAPTER    VIII 
THE  MUHAMMEDAN  REVOLT 

I  MUST  now  speak  of  perhaps  the  most  important 
question  of  all  in  reference  to  Uganda — that  of 
the  Muhammedan  native  Ba-ganda,  and  the  Sudanese 
introduced  by  the  agent  of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company.  An  exhaustive  account  of  the 
events  which  led  to  the  mission  of  Sir  Gerald  Portal 
to  Uganda,  and  of  the  results  accomplished  by  it,  would 
be  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  present  volume,  I 
must  content  myself,  therefore,  with  merely  stating 
that  the  great  interest  which  had  been  evoked  through- 
out England  by  all  that  had  taken  place  in  Uganda 
resulted  in  the  appointment  of  Sir  Gerald  Portal  as 
Government  Commissioner.  He  was  instructed  to 
journey  to  Uganda  to  report  upon  the  best  means  of 
dealing  with  the  country,  in  view  of  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company  on 
March  31st.* 

On  March  17th  the  Commissioner  entered  Uganda, 
and  was  gladly  received  by  all  classes  in  the  country, 
except   the    Muhammedans.      He  succeeded,  with    the 

*  See  instructions  to  Sir  Gerald  Portal  in  Appendix  A. 
39? 


394         F^'uits  of  Hostility  to  England!         [1893 

help  of  the  missionaries,  in  bringing  the  contending 
Christian  factions  to  an  understanding.  The  main 
difficulty,  indeed,  had  disappeared,  since  there  was  now 
the  almost  moral  certainty  of  continued  British  occu- 
pation. It  was  to  be  regretted  that  the  arrangement 
the  Commissioner  sanctioned  permitted  the  eviction  of 
numbers  of  poor  Protestant  peasants,  who  had  been 
located  in  the  various  chieftainships  handed  over  to  the 
Roman  Catholics,  and  who  had  built  houses,  and  culti- 
vated land  on  the  estates  belonging  to  them.  But  no 
doubt  they  were  eagerly  welcomed  in  other  districts, 
since,  in  spite  of  assertions  to  the  contrary,  it  is 
population,  rather  than  land,  which  is  scarce  in 
Uganda. 

Sir  Gerald  Portal  has  given  a  vivid  account  of  his 
mission  to  Uganda  and  what  he  saw  there.  He 
secured  for  the  "  French"  party  the  districts  of  Kaima 
and  Luekula,  and  the  island  chieftainships  of  Sevvaya 
and  Semugala  and  Jumba,  also  gardens  on  the  road 
from  Budu  to  the  capital.  They  were  also  given  a 
Katikiro  (an  important  office  equal  to  that  of  Apolo, 
the  Prime  Minister),  and  a  chief  of  soldiers,  also  a 
chief  of  canoes  ;  so  that  they  had  little  cause  to  regret 
their  hostility  to  England,  as  represented  by  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company. 

It  must  be  assumed  that  Sir  Gerald  Portal's  award 
was  based  on  the  inquiries  made  by  Captain  Macdonald, 
who  apparently  found  it  impossible  to  unravel  the 
knots  of  conflicting  evidence.  He  seems,  however,  to 
have  thought  Captain  Lugard  wrong  in  his  action  of 
accepting  armed  help  from  the  Protestants  against  the 


1^93]        Question  of  Missionary  Extension        395 

hostile  French  faction  ;  but,  by  a  kind  of  poetical 
justice,  he  was  soon  to  find  himself  in  much  the  same 
kind  of  situation  with  regard  to  the  Muhammedans, 
when  he  was  himself  forced  to  adopt  a  very  similar 
method  to  that  of  Captain  Lugard,  by  accepting  armed 
help  from  the  Protestants  against  the  Muhammedan 
faction. 

But  there  is  one  point  in  the  understanding  which 
merits  notice.  It  was  the  question  of  confining  mis- 
sionary operations  to  particular  spheres.  So  important 
did  Sir  Gerald  Portal  conceive  this  to  be,  that  he 
addressed  a  letter  of  some  length  to  the  Earl  of 
Rosebery  on  the  subject* 

The  point  was  really  the  question  of  missionary 
extension  to  the  intelligent  Wahuma  of  Toro.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  Bikweamba  Yafeti,  their 
Prime  Minister,  was  a  Protestant  Christian  ;  and  that 
a  very  definite  attempt  had  been  made  by  us  to  open 
up  mission  work  in  Kasagama's  kingdom.  I  had, 
during  1892,  with  much  trouble  translated  the 
Creed,  Lord's  Prayer,  and  Ten  Commandments,  into  the 
language  of  the  Wahuma,  and  printed  one  thousand 
copies,  which  I  sent  to  my  old  pupil,  Bikweamba. 
These  the  Sudanese  soldiers  managed  to  get  hold 
of,  and  tore  up.  Kasagama,  knowing  of  the  efforts 
already  made  to  reach  his  people  by  the  Protestant 
missionaries,  sent  messengers  to  his  own  friends,  the 
Protestants,  to  ask  for  teachers.  These  messengers 
arrived,  and  were  sent  to  Sir  Gerald  Portal  by  Bishop 
Tucker.  Sir  Gerald  Portal  suspected  that  this  may 
*  See  Appendix  B.     Letter  of  Sir  Gerald  Portal  to  Lord  Rosebery, 


39^     A   Christian   Conscience  in  England      [1893 

have  been  a  plan  to  prejudice  the  spheres  of  influence. 
What  I  have  said,  however,  I  venture  to  think  will  show 
that  he  was  mistaken.*  It  was,  indeed,  the  natural 
outcome  of  missionary  effort  already  made,  and  which 
it  seems  to  me  should  have  influenced,  and  rightly 
influenced,  any  attempted  arrangement  of  defining 
spheres  of  missionary  effort. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  it  is  most  difficult  to 
have  any  such  arrangement  as  Sir  Gerald  Portal 
suggested.  It  was  tried  before  in  the  case  of  Uganda 
itself.  A  prominent  member  of  the  committee  of  the 
Church  Missionary  Society  waited  on  Cardinal  Lavigiere, 
and  obtained  his  consent  to  a  scheme  which  would 
have  prevented  the  Algerian  missionaries  from  entering 
Uganda.  It  was  just  such  an  understanding  as  Sir 
Gerald  Portal  tried  to  induce  Bishop  Hirth  to  consent 
to.  The  understanding,  however,  attempted  in  former 
years  was  not  held  to  on  the  Cardinal's  part.  His 
missionaries  did  come  to  Uganda  with  results  both 
good  and  evil.'f'  We  hear  a  good  deal  of  the  Noncon- 
formist conscience  ;  but  it  is  a  solid  reality  that  there 
is  a  Christian  conscience  in  England,  which  will  not 
consent  to  leave  the  matter  of  the  conversion  of  the 
heathen  to  arrangements  and  understandings  between 
the  Vatican  and  any  other  persons. 

Sir  Gerald  Portal  left  Mengo  on  May  30th  to  return 

*  Sir  Gerald  Portal's  "Journal,"  p.  215. 

t  The  story  is  well  known,  how,  when  Pere  Lourdel  denounced 
the  Protestant  religion  before  King  Mutesa,  the  king  suggested 
that  both  sets  of  teachers  should  return  to  Europe  to  settle  which 
really  had  the  truth,  and  that  then  they  should  come  back  and 
instruct  him. 


1893]  The  Muhammedan  Question  397 

to  England,  in  order  to  make  his  report  upon  Uganda, 
with  the  result  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  deter- 
mined to  establish  a  regular  administration,  and  for 
that  purpose  to  declare  Uganda  to  be  under  a  British 
Protectorate. 

On  his  departure  Sir  Gerald  Portal  appointed  Captain 
Macdonald  as  representative  of  the  administration, 
leaving  under  his  orders  some  of  the  officers  whom  he 
had  brought  with  him.  His  own  brother,  Captain 
Raymond  Portal,  sad  to  say,  had  died.*  The  Times 
correspondent  also  remained  in  the  country  for  a 
while,  and  afterwards  rendered  valuable  service  to 
Captain   Macdonald. 

Sir  Gerald  Portal  had  hardly  left  Mengo  when  the 
Muhammedan  question  suddenly  began  to  assume  an 
acute  phase.  The  Muhammedan  chiefs  had  agreed, 
under  compulsion,  to  recognise  Mwanga  as  their  king^ 
and  to  work  for  him  and  pay  him  tribute.  At  the 
same  time  they  could  not  forget  that  they  had  never 
been  crushed  by  the  English  infidels  in  battle,  and 
that  they  had  come  back  to  Mengo  rather  as  a  com- 
pliment to  Selim  Bey  than  because  they  had  been 
conquered  by  the  English.  Hence  they  were  bitterly 
aggrieved  that  they  had  received  no  increase  of  terri- 
tory by  the  Commissioners'  award,  while  the  "  French  " 
rebels  had  obtained  a  slice  of  country  almost  double 
the  size  of  that  they  had  occupied  before  the  arrival 

*  One  cannot  help  feeling  that  had  these  two  gallant  young 
Englishmen  been  better  provided  with  English  stores,  so  essen- 
tially necessary  for  Europeans  in  Africa,  they  might  have  better 
withstood  the  hardships  they  were  called  upon  to  undergo. 
See  Sir  Gerald  Portal's  "Journals." 


398   Mukammedans  demur  to  Kings  Orders    [1893 

of  Sir  Gerald  Portal.  The  Muhammedans,  however, 
had  no  French  Government  behind  them,  while  in 
Captain  Macdonald  they  had  a  man  before  them  who 
knew  his  own  mind. 

The  Commissioner  had  left  orders  that  if  the 
Muhammedan  faction  continued  to  refuse  to  do  the 
king's  work,  and  pay  the  king's  taxes,  their  leaders 
should  be  seized  and  sent  to  Kikuyu. 

On  June  4th  the  handsome  young  Muhammedan 
and  king's  favourite,  Lutaya,  came,  with  several  other 
half-hearted  co-religionists,  to  tell  Apolo,  the  Katikiro, 
that  the  Muhammedan  faction  were  bent  on  fighting. 

Apolo  at  once  informed  Captain  Macdonald  of  what 
he  had  heard.  Macdonald  affected  not  to  credit  the 
report.  Ten  days  later,  however,  he  bade  the  king 
summon  both  the  Roman  Catholic  and  Muhammedan 
chiefs,  and  tell  them  to  work  for  him.*  The  king  did 
so,  and  told  all  the  chiefs  that  they  must  build  for  him. 
The  Roman  Catholics  at  once  agreed,  but  the  Muham- 
medans demurred,  and  begged  of  the  king  to  appoint 
them  a  day  on  which  to  lay  their  grievances  before 
him.  They  asked  also  that  they  might  be  allowed  to 
refer  the  matter  to  their  part)^  Mwanga,  however, 
said,  "  I  give  you  till  this  afternoon,  when  you  must 
return  and  tell  me  your  intention." 

They  went  therefore  to  Natete,  where  their  canton- 

*  The  work  consists  of  building  and  fencing,  and  a  fixed 
amount  of  such  feudal  labour  for  the  king  is  attached  to 
every  chieftainship ;  for  every  chief  holds  direct  from  the  king. 
The  Muhammedans  had  accepted  these  feudal  chieftainships, 
but  now  refused  to  contribute  the  quota  of  work  for  the  king 
belonging  to  their  offices. 


1893]  Juma  appeals  to  the  Sudanese  399 

ments  were  situated,  and  held  a  hasty  counsel,  with 
the  result  that  they  arranged  to  appear  for  the  present 
to  acquiesce  in  what  the  king  demanded.  At  the  same 
time  they  sent  off  one  of  their  trusted  adherents, 
Wanimba  by  name,  to  gather  their  fighting  men,  for  in 
reality  they  had  decided  on  war.  The  chiefs  then  re- 
turned to  the  king,  saying,  "  We  agree  to  work."  But 
Juma,  their  principal  man,  repaired  to  Kampala  to  try 
and  win  over  the  Sudanese  to  give  assistance  to  those 
who,  like  themselves,  were  people  of  Islam.  Juma's 
pleading,  it  is  averred,  was  not  in  vain.  He  said  to 
the  Sudanese,  "  Selim  Bey  brought  us  here.  We 
came  under  his  protection,  and  now  the  infidels  are 
about  to  coerce  us  into  working  as  their  slaves.  You 
have  the  guns  of  the  white  unbelievers  in  your  hands. 
You,  if  you  will,  can  give  us  aid."  There  is  little 
doubt  that  Selim  Bey,  who  had  been  instrumental  with 
Dualla  in  bringing  the  Muhammedan  faction  in,  had  felt 
himself  aggrieved  at  the  treatment  accorded  to  him  by 
Sir  Gerald  Portal.  He  was  a  most  important  man, 
and  a  high  official  in  the  Khedive's  service.  His 
position  with  Lugard  and  Williams  had  been  rather 
that  of  a  coadjutor  than  an  inferior.  He  had  proved 
himself  loyal  to  them  in  this  capacity,  and  his  control 
over  his  soldiers  was  truly  remarkable.  I  myself  was 
present  at  Mengo  when  this  was  shown  in  a  striking 
manner.  There  happened  to  be  present  in  Mengo  a 
large  number  of  Zanzibaris,  who  had  come  to  Uganda 
in  one  of  the  Company's  caravans  ;  and  these  men  were 
encamped  close  to  the  cantonments  of  the  Sudanese 
soldiers.      A  quarrel   arose   between    a   Zanzibari    and 


400       Difficulty  of  Selim  Beys  Position        [1893 

one  of  Selim's  soldiers,  which  had  originated — Hke  so 
many  quarrels — over  some  dusky  Helen.  Soon  the 
two. camps  took  sides  each  with  its  own  member,  and 
a  battle  royal  ensued  ;  but  very  soon  the  Sudanese 
rushed  to  fetch  their  rifles,  and  were  deaf  to  all  remon- 
strances of  officers,  black  or  white,  till  Selim  appeared. 
As  soon  as  the  Bey  had  shown  himself  discipline  was 
instantly  restored,  and  the  storm  was  stilled. 

Moreover,  Selim's  position  as  a  Muhammedan  in  the 
heated  religious  atm.osphere  of  Uganda  was  one  of  the 
deepest  difficulty  ;  but  whether  or  not  he  really  meant 
to  resort  to  armed  measures  against  the  English  Govern- 
ment it  is  a  little  difficult  to  decide.  He  was  now  receiv- 
ing pay  from  the  British  Government,  but  seems  to  have 
considered  that  his  position  was  rather  to  help  and 
advise  the  administration  than  merely  to  obey.  Lugard 
writes  of  him  eloquently  as  the  "  veteran  selected  by 
Gordon  for  the  command  of  Mruli,  whose  valour  saved 
Dufileh,  against  whom  no  charge  of  disloyalty  had  ever 
yet  been  proved  amidst  all  the  faithlessness  of  the 
Sudan  troops."  The  Times  correspondent,  on  the  other 
hand,  seems  to  accept  the  version  current  in  Uganda, 
and  one,  it  must  be  said,  for  which  there  is  strong  pre- 
sumptive evidence.  I  give  the  following  extract  from 
his  letter,  dated  from  Mengo,  June  25  th  : — 

"^  It  lias  transpired  recently,  and  there  seems  to  be 
no  special  reason  to  doubt  the  report,  that  the  outbreak 
was  fixed  for  the  night  of  June  i8th.  The  Muham- 
medans  were  to  attack  and  fire  the  king's  palace  and 
the  French  mission  on  Rubaga.  In  the  meantime,  the 
Sudanese   at    Kampala    were  to  secure  the    fort,    with 


1893]  Selim  Beys  reported  Oath  401 

all  the  Europeans,  which  they  could  undoubtedly  have 
done  with  ease.  Selim  Bey,  after  disposing  of  Mr. 
Reddie  and  myself,  was  to  join  them  with  his  troops 
from  Fort  Alice.  The  whole  country  would  then  have 
been  in  their  hands.  Holding  a  strong  position,  and 
possessing  two  Maxims  (with  the  mechanism  of  which 
some  of  the  Sudanese  are  well  acquainted)  and  a  large 
supply  of  arms  and  ammunition,  they  would  have  been 
completely  masters  of  the  situation,  so  far  as  the 
Protestants   and    Catholics    were   concerned.      Embocro 

o 

was  then  to  be  crowned  King,  and  Selim  Bey  was  to 
hold  the  position  of  Acting  Resident.  It  was  a  bold 
and  ingeniously  contrived  plot,  and  all  one  can  say  is, 
'  Thank  God  it  did  not  succeed  !  '  " 

But  whatever  may  be  said  in  favour  of  Selim's 
loyalty,  the  utter  hostility  of  the  Uganda  Muham- 
medans  to  their  infidel  superiors  is  undeniable.  They 
had  no  experience  of  European  power,  as  the  Egyptians 
or  Zanzibaris  had,  and  their  contempt  and  rancorous 
hatred  for  unbelievers  of  all  kinds  is  difficult  for  English 
people  to  realise.  Their  enthusiasm  and  valour  were 
undoubted,  and  this  enthusiastic  religious  fervour  on  their 
part  must  have  been  very  difficult  for  a  follower  of  the 
prophet,  as  Selim  was,  to  resist.  By  all  reports,  Selim 
swore  on  the  book  that  if  the  Protestants  attacked  the 
Muhammedans  to  enforce  the  orders  of  the  king  he 
would  render  them  assistance.  On  June  17th  he  wrote 
to  Captain  Macdonald  to  this  effect.  There  was 
nothing  secretly  treacherous  in  his  action,  though,  as 
he  was  in  the  English  service,  it  was,  to  say  the  least 
of  it,  bordering  upon  open   mutiny,  since  he  was  well 

26 


402       Apolo  ordered  to  collect  his  Guns        [1893 

aware  that  the  English  Commissioner  supported  the 
king. 

Captain  Macdonald  had  been  obliged  to  send  an 
ultimatum  to  the  Muhammedan  chiefs  nearly  a  fort- 
night before  when  they  had  objected  to  work,  and  had 
threatened,  unless  they  assented  within  two  hours,  to 
attack  them.  Selim's  letter  was  written  from  Entebe 
(Fort  Alice),  some  twenty  miles  distant  from  Mengo. 
The  same  day  that  the  letter  arrived  (June  17th), 
Apolo,  the  Katikiro,  was  busy  appointing  the  work  in 
the  king's  enclosure  to  the  different  factions — the 
Protestants  ten  parts,  the  Roman  Catholics  five  parts, 
and  the  Muhammedans  two  parts.  While  doing  so 
he  received  an  order  from  Captain  Macdonald  to  collect 
his  guns,  for  that  there  were  signs  of  rebellion  on  the  part 
of  the  Muhammedans.  Captain  Macdonald  also  visited 
the  two  missions,  asking  the  Europeans  to  come  quietly 
to  Kampala.  He  told  the  missionaries  that  he  had 
received  a  letter  from  the  Bey,  who  claimed  the  right 
to  be  consulted  in  all  disputes  with  the  Muhammedans, 
who,  he  asserted,  had  only  returned  owing  to  his 
promise  to  protect  them. 

While  one  can  feel  the  fullest  sympathy  with  the 
fine  old  Bey,  it  is  abundantly  plain  that  the  position 
he  took  up  was  absolutely  impossible,  and  Captain 
Macdonald  had  no  other  course  open  but  to  settle, 
once  and  for  all,  who  were  the  rulers  in  Uganda,  the 
English  Government  or  the  Muhammedans.  His 
position  was  most  dangerous,  and  for  a  weak  man  who 
hesitated  for  a  moment  the  consequences  might  have 
been    most   disastrous.      Another    element    of    danger 


1 893 1        Macdonald  arms  the  Missionaries        403 

was  that  the  Manyuema  Arabs  had  come  into  com- 
munication with  the  Uganda  Muhammedans,  and  a 
powerful  coalition  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of  coming 
to  a  head.  But  Captain  Macdonald  was  a  strong  man, 
and  though  gentle  and  courteous  to  the  native  chiefs 
he  never  allowed  his  kindness  to  be  mistaken  for 
weakness.  He  saw  clearly  the  seriousness  of  the  whole 
position,  and  acted  promptly  and  energetically. 
Happily  for  himself  he  was  in  no  sense  responsible  for 
the  mischief  with  which  he  was  now  called  upon  to 
deal.  He  at  once  sent  to  recall  Sir  Gerald  Portal,  who 
had  only  been  gone  a  little  more  than  a  fortnight,  and 
who  had  not  yet  left  Kavirondo.  Also  he  recalled 
Captain  Arthur  from  Busoga,  and  sent  for  the  Times 
correspondent  and  Mr.  Reddie  (a  Government  officer), 
both  of  whom  were  at  Fort  Alice.  Captain  Macdonald, 
as  we  have  seen,  felt  it  necessary  in  this  emergency  to 
call  to  his  aid  all  the  Europeans  in  Mengo  ;  and,  in 
order  to  bring  them  to  Kampala  without  exciting 
suspicion,  they  were  asked  not  to  come  all  at  the 
same  time.  It  had  been  arranged  that  two  of  the 
English  missionaries,  Millar  and  Leakey,  should  go  up 
to  the  fort  for  luncheon  (this  was  on  Saturday, 
June  17th).  At  2  P.M.  came  Roscoe  and  Pilkington, 
accompanied  by  Forster  *  (now  in  the  employment  of 
Government),  and  later  in  the  afternoon  the  French 
missionaries  arrived. 

*  This  gentleman  had  seen  military  service  in  South  Africa, 
and  had  come  to  Uganda  with  Bishop  Tucker.  His  work,  as 
mine  had  been,  was  largely  in  the  printing  office,  not  that  I 
would  venture  to  compare  what  we  respectively  turned  out. 


404      Sudanese  profess  Themselves  Loyal      [1893 

Presently  Embogo,  who  had  formerly  been  styled 
Sultan,  came  in,  with  several  of  the  leading  Muham- 
medan  chiefs,  to  ask  why  the  people  were  getting 
under  arms.  This  they  were  doing  silently  and 
quietly,  without  any  noise  of  shouting  or  drum 
beating.  It  was  too  deadly  a  crisis  for  that.  Every 
one  knew  that  the  time  had  come  which  was  to  decide 
the  fate  of  Uganda.  Captain  Macdonald  invited 
Embogo  and  the  chiefs  into  his  room,  and  told  them 
he  would  tell  them  presently.  As  soon  as  they 
were  inside  he  set  a  guard  on  the  door,  and  then  went 
out  to  deal  with  his  Sudanese  soldiers.  He  had  already 
armed  his  nine  Europeans  with  rifles,  besides  some 
one  hundred  and  fifty  Swahili  porters  from  Zanzibar 
on  whom  he  could  depend.  The  Maxim  guns  were 
placed  in  position  to  command  the  spot  where  the 
troops  were  to  be  paraded.  Captain  Macdonald  then 
called  the  Sudanese  officers,  and  briefly  told  them  that 
Selim  Bey  had  set  himself  in  opposition  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  asked  them  :  "  Do  you  stand  by  the  Bey  or 
the  Government }  "  They  professed  themselves  loyal. 
The  soldiers  were  then  ordered  to  fall  in,  and  the  same 
question  was  put.  Those  who  were  loyal  were  ordered 
to  go  to  the  right,  those  who  recognised  Selim  were  to 
stand  steady.  All  the  soldiers  moved  off  to  the  right. 
Captain  Macdonald  then  demanded  of  Embogo  four 
of  the  leading  Muhammedan  chiefs  as  hostages  for  the 
good  behaviour  of  their  faction,  and  went  himself  to 
arrest  them,  with  their  leader,  Juma,  who  had  come 
into  the  fort  with  Embogo.  He  took  six  men  with 
him.     Juma  walked  in  front,  covered  by  the  rifles  of  two 


1893]         Macdonald  disarms  the  Sudanese        405 

of  Macdonald's  men,  who  had  orders  to  shoot  him  if  he 
should  make  the  least  endeavour  to  escape.  When 
they  reached  Natete  two  of  the  three  'chiefs  were 
secured,  Kamya  and  Kamyagere  ;  another  was  ill,  but 
sent  two  of  his  friends  as  security  for  his  appearance. 
These,  with  Juma,  made  up  the  number  whom  Mac- 
donald had  determined  to  secure.  They  were  safely 
lodged  in  the  fort,  and  the  missionaries  returned  to 
their  respective  missions.  Orders  were  sent  to  Selim 
to  say  that  he  must  remain  at  Fort  Alice,  and  that  he 
must  send  no  more  messages. 

However,  next  day  (Sunday,  the  1 8th),  in  con- 
sequence of  another  message  brought  by  Mr.  Reddie 
from  Selim  Bey,  Captain  Macdonald  judged  it 
necessary  to  disarm  the  Sudanese  soldiers.  He  again 
sent  for  the  missionaries,  whom  he  armed.  He  also 
called  out  his  Zanzibaris,  and  put  the  Maxim  guns 
into  position.  He  then  made  the  Sudanese  soldiers 
fall  in.  He  brought  out  the  Muhammedan  prisoners 
to  be  witnesses  of  what  took  place.  They,  thinking 
they  were  to  be  shot,  cried  out  piteously  to  Pilkington 
to  save  them.  Captain  Macdonald  then  addressed  the 
soldiers.  He  said  he  did  not  desire  to  impugn  their 
loyalty  ;  but  that,  as  Selim  Bey  had  mutinied,  he 
should  be  obliged  to  temporarily  disarm  them.  Only 
one  soldier  showed  any  signs  of  hesitation,  but  his 
courage  failed  him,  and  he  obeyed  the  order  to  ground 
arms.  The  rifles  were  collected,  and  the  soldiers  were 
ordered  to  their  houses.  Captain  Macdonald  then  bid 
the  Muhammedans  who  were  collected  at  Natete  to 
disperse  and  return  to  their  country  places,  and  he  also 


4o6  Protestant  Chiefs  uphold  English  Rule      [1893 

sent  those  who  were  collected  round  Kampala  to  Natete, 
where  their  main  camp  was  situated.  That  morning 
three  hundred  of  their  adherents,  armed  with  guns,  had 
arrived  to  swell  the  Muhammedan  ranks,  so  that  there 
was  a  large  body  of  Mussulmans  in  open  rebellion  to 
Mwanga,  Selim  Bey  in  open  mutiny  at  Fort  Alice, 
and  an  unreliable  garrison  at  Kampala.  So  that  a 
second  time,  by  the  irony  of  fate,  it  became  necessary 
for  an  English  officer  to  arm  the  Protestant  chiefs  in 
order  to  vindicate  and  uphold  English  rule.  Lugard 
and  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal  and  others  have  repre- 
sented these  Protestants  as  if  they  were  always  on 
the  point  of  annihilation  by  some  one  or  other,  and 
yet  they  were  never  found  wanting  when  hard  fight- 
ing had  to  be  done,*  The  Muhammedans  stood 
their  ground  for  a  time,  but  were  defeated  with  great 
loss,  and  driven  from  the  capital.  Numbers  of  the 
Protestants  were  wounded. 

On  June  19th  Captain  Macdonald  determined  to 
go  himself  to  Entebe  to  deal  with  Selim  Bey,  but 
just  as  he  was  about  to  set  out  some  thirty  soldiers 
appeared  on  the  parade  ground.  These  had  been  sent 
by  Selim  to  say  that  he  was  loyal,  and  was  guarding 
Fort  Alice,  only  he  begged  of  Captain  Macdonald  to 
stop  the  Christians  from  fighting  the  Muhammedans. 

Next  day  Captain  Macdonald  went  down  to  Fort 
Alice,  leaving  Captain  Arthur,  who  had  arrived  mean- 

*  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  if  the  Protestants  were  as  few 
and  as  feeble  as  they  were  represented  to  be,  they  could  have 
secured,  as  they  did,  a  good  half  of  the  country  for  themselves, 
before  even  the  arrival  in  Uganda  of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company. 


i«93]  Arrest  of  Sehm  Bey  407 

while  from  Busoga,  in  charge  of  Kampala.      He  took 
with  him  Mr.  Reddie  and  the  Times  correspondent. 

Nikodemo,  the  old  Sekibobo,  also  accompanied 
Captain  Macdonald  on  his  venturesome  undertaking  of 
seizing  Selim  Bey,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  his 
Sudanese  soldiers. 

Captain  Macdonald  went  on  ahead  with  six  men 
whom  he  could  depend  upon.  On  arriving,  he  called 
out  the  garrison,  and  ordered  them  to  ground  arms. 
They  replied  :  "  We  obey  because  Selim  our  leader 
has  ordered  us  to  do  so,"  and  asked  that  they  might 
receive  them  back  at  once. 

Captain  Macdonald  then  gave  the  order  :  "  Right — 
turn  !  Quick — march  !  "  and  the  guns  were  instantly 
covered  by  the  six  loaded  rifles  held  by  Macdonald's 
men.  Reddie  was  near  at  hand  with  a  Maxim,  while 
Nikodemo  had  posted  his  men  in  the  long  grass  with 
rifles  ready  for  any  emergency. 

Selim  was  soon  arrested  ;  he  offered  no  resistance. 
At  first  he  was  sent  to  an  island  in  the  Lake  (Nsazi)  ; 
but  subsequently  it  was  decided  to  send  him  to  the 
coast,  together  with  Juma  (who  had  been  the  chief 
agent  in  the  rebellion)  and  Embogo,  whose  presence  was 
a  constant  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  country.  These 
three  important  personages  Captain  Macdonald  asked 
the  Times  correspondent  to  take  charge  of  as  far  as 
Kavirondo,  where  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal  was 
awaiting  news  of  the  outbreak. 

They  left  Uganda  on  June  loth,  but  on  July  24th 
Juma  succeeded  in  making  his  escape,  having,  somehow, 
obtained  possession  of  a  file,  with  which  he  cut  through 


4o8  Death  of  Selim  Bey  [1893 

the  chain  which  secured  him.  The  adventures  of  this 
man  would  prove  an  interesting  story  if  they  could  be 
written.  He  had  been  a  prominent  figure  in  the 
desperate  fighting  which  had  taken  place  since  the 
year  1888. 

About  the  third  week  in  August  poor  old  Selim 
Bey,  who  was  suffering  from  dropsy,  and  had  been 
carried  all  through  the  march  to  his  last  resting-place, 
died  at  one  of  the  camps  near  Lake  Naivasha. 

And  thus  practically  ended  the  Muhammedan 
rebellion  and  Sudanese  mutiny.  The  Muhammedans 
were  now  deprived  of  two  of  their  provinces,  the 
governorship  of  Kitunzi  and  of  Kasuju  ;  and  on  July 
I  3th  the  former  was  given  to  the  Protestants,  and  the 
latter,  and  smaller,  to  the  Roman  Catholics,  who  seem 
to  have  left  all  the  fighting  to  the  Protestants. 

On  July  1 6th,  Major  Owen,  accompanied  by 
VVakirenzi  (the  same  as  Captain  Williams'  fighting  chief 
Mulondo),  pursued  the  Muhammedans,  and  came  up 
with  them  not  far  from  the  Mpanga  River,*  and 
entered  into  communication  with  them.  They  professed 
their  desire  for  peace.  Major  Owen  then  demanded 
that  they  should  hand  over  fifty  guns,  and  also  a  canoe 
which  they  had  looted.  Five  of  the  fifty  guns 
mentioned  had  just  previously  been  stolen  from  Major 
Owen's  men.  They  promised  to  yield  up  the  guns, 
and  said  they  would  bring  them  at  noon.  They, 
however,  determined  to  effect  their  escape,  and  march 
westward  to  join    the    Manyuema   Arabs,   with   whom 

*  The  Mpanga  River  is  given  by  Lugard  as  20°  3'  N  ;  30"  20' 
E.     Map  4,  "  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire,"  vol.  ii. 


1893]  Capture  of  a   Thousand  Women  409 

they  had  entered  into  communication  ;  but  Wakirenzi, 
having  received  information  of  their  intention,  came  up 
with  them,  and  found,  as  he  suspected,  that  though  they 
had  appeared  to  wish  for  terms,  they  were,  in  reaUty, 
making  preparations  for  retreat.  A  battle  ensued  by 
the  banks  of  the  Mpanga,  the  river  which  separates 
Unyoro  from  Toro,  and  the  Muhammedans  lost  twenty- 
six  killed,  while  the  loss  on  the  other  side  was  only 
four.  Most  of  the  Muhammedan  fighting  men  escaped 
to  the  further  bank  of  the  river  ;  but  the  great  bulk  of 
the  women  remained  on  the  Toro  side,  and  more  than 
one  thousand  of  them  were  captured.  The  battle  took 
place  on  July  i8th,  and  completely  upset  the  plan  of 
the  Muhammedans  to  march  towards  the  Congo, 

Major  Owen,  who  was  some  little  distance  away,  now 
heard,  through  one  of  his  Sudanese  soldiers,  that  the 
defeated  Muhammedans  wished  to  return  to  Uganda. 
He  therefore  wrote  to  them,  saying  he  had  no  desire 
to  drive  them  from  the  country  if  they  would  live 
peaceably.  They  were  glad  to  hear  this,  and  sent  back 
two  of  their  principal  men,  Namfumbambi  and  Kaketo, 
with  the  five  guns  which  had  been  stolen,  to  discuss  the 
terms.  Major  Owen  also  sent  two  important  Uganda 
chiefs,  Stefano  Kalibwani  and  the  real  Namfumbambi,* 
to  the  Muhammedan  camp.  Stefano,  it  will  be 
remembered,  was  the  man  who,  the  previous  year,  had 
effected  the  escape  of  Mwanga  from  the  Roman 
Catholics.  Next  day  he  returned  with  Kyayambade, 
the  Muhammedan  leader,  who  said  that  they  surren- 
dered.     This  was  the  20th.      On  the  23rd,  the  Baganda 

*  Each  hostile  faction  usurped  the  names  of  chieftainships. 


4IO  Macdonald  demands  Surrender  [1893 

chiefs,  who  had  seized  the  thousand  women  spoken  of, 
now  held  a  meeting,  and  agreed  that  all  the  women 
should  be  set  free  (I  am  giving  their  own  version  of 
the  matter)  ;  so  the  captives  were  brought  out  to  an 
open  space,  and  they  were  asked  what  they  wished  to 
do.  There  is  no  doubt,  whatever,  that  large  numbers 
of  them  had  been  carried  away  by  the  Muhammedans 
against  their  will.  So  what  follows  is  at  least  probable. 
Three  hundred  said  they  wished  to  return  to  the 
Muhammedans,  which  they  were  permitted  to  do  there 
and  then.  Two  hundred  said  they  were  Roman 
Catholics,  and  would  go  to  their  co-religionists  ;  while 
four  hundred  elected  to  remain  with  the  Protestants. 
The  remainder,  I  suppose,  were  children. 

When  all  this  was  over,  Major  Owen  now  bethought 
himself  of  the  captured  women,  and  told  the  Uganda 
commander  to  bring  the  captives  that  they  might  be 
dealt  with.  The  commander  replied  that  he  had  set 
them  free.  Major  Owen  was  extremely  annoyed  that 
this  had  been  done  without  his  knowledge.  Kakunguru 
Wakirenzi  apologised  most  humbly  for  the  omission, 
and  as  nothing  could  well  be  done  no  more  was 
said.  Peace  having  now  been  arranged,  the  late 
combatants  set  out  on  the  return  journey  to  Uganda. 

Captain  Macdonald,  however,  when  he  heard  of  the 
return  of  the  Muhammedans,  armed  and  organised,  very 
wisely  would  not  hear  of  their  coming  back  under  such 
conditions,  and  demanded  that  they  should  give  up  their 
arms  unconditionally  ;  and  these  terms  they  eventually 
were  driven  to  accept.  Captain  Macdonald  allowed 
them  to  settle  in  any  part  of  Uganda  that  they  preferred. 


1 893]    "  Every  Man  went  to  Hotise  of  Father''    41 1 

Some  fifty  of  them,  including  Kyayambade  the 
leader,  elected  to  go  to  Budu  :  many  went  to  Bulemezi 
and  other  places  ;  and,  to  quote  the  Katikiro's  words, 
"every  man  went  to  the  house  of  his  father,"  and  thus, 
on  August  15th,  happily  ended  the  long  and  weary 
war  with  the  Muhammedan  faction.  King  Mwanga 
now,  by  Captain  Macdonald's  advice,  conferred  estates 
and  gardens  ypon  the  returned  prodigals,  not  in  their 
capacity  as  members  of  a  powerful  religious  or  political 
faction,  but  as  subjects  of  the  king  of  all  Uganda. 
In  all  this  appeared  the  hand  of  a  man  who  knew  how 
to  be  both  determined  towards  the  rebellious,  and, 
when  such  action  could  not  possibly  be  mistaken  for 
weakness,  wisely  generous  to  the  defeated. 

But  long  ere  the  arrival  of  this  happy  consummation 
I  had  left  Mengo  in  company  with  Nickisson,  en  route 
for  Nassa  and  the  coast. 


BOOK    IV 
FROM  UGANDA    TO  ZANZIBAR 


CHAPTER    I 

PERILS   OF   WATERS 


Sorrowful  Farewells — The  People  of  Nassa — Members  of  my  Party 
— Timoteo  stung  by  a  Scorpion — Wholesale  Thieving — How 
is  the  Nyanza  supplied  with  Water? — Making  a  Raft — A 
Stream  like  a  Mill-Race — Making  a  Rope — The  Raft  swept  fro7n 
tinder  Me  —  An  unpleasant  Predicament — A  hospitable 
Reception — "  Dozvn  on  my  Luck  " — A  severe  Illness — True 
Story  of  a  strange  Incident — We  owe  our  Lives  to  a  small 
Act  of  Kindness — Oriental  Embellishment. 


1^93] 


CHAPTER    I 
PERILS   OF   WATERS 

/^N  March  5th  Nickisson  and  I  left  Mengo  to- 
^-^  gether.  Many  friends,  both  English  and  native, 
bade  us  farewell,  and  I  was  not  a  little  touched  by  the 
kindness  of  Pere  Gaudibert,  of  the  French  mission,  in 
coming  to  bid  me  good-bye.  It  was  a  true  satisfac- 
tion to  me,  that  in  spite  of  the  bitterly  hostile  attitude 
the  converts  of  the  French  fathers  and  our  own  had 
held  towards  one  another,  and  the  serious  political 
and  religious  difference  dividing  them,  yet  these 
courteous  opponents,  and  especially  the  kindly  English- 
man, Pere  Gaudibert,  and  the  English  missionaries, 
always  kept  up  a  pleasant  intercourse,  and  interchanged 
those  small  amenities  which  helped  to  smooth  our 
necessarily  difficult  position. 

My  faithful  friend,  Samv/ili,  who  had   been   the  first, 
of  the  chiefs  to  welcome  me  to  Uganda,  was  the  last 
to  bid  me  farewell  ;  for  he  as  well   as  the  kindly  old 
Nikodemo,  the  Sekbobo,  came  down   to  the  Nyanza  to 
see   Nickisson   and    me  embark   in   the    canoes   which 


41 6  Sorrowful  Farewells  [1893 

were  to  take  us  across  the  Lake  to  Nassa  on  Speke 
Gulf,  where  I  hoped  to  make  up  my  small  caravan 
for  Zanzibar. 

A  day  or  two  later  we  left  Entebe  (Fort  Alice), 
the  last  point  on  the  mainland  of  Uganda  we 
should  touch.  At  Entebe  we  had  the  saddest  leave- 
taking  of  all.  When  we  entered  our  canoe  poor 
Kakonge,  my  good  old  cow-man  with  his  one  arm,  waded 
into  the  water,  and  lifted  up  his  voice  and  wept,  while 
the  warm-hearted  Mabruki,  my  faithful  follower 
standing  knee-deep  in  the  water,  joined  him  with 
equal  fervour.  Other  friends  stood  weeping  on  the 
bank,  and  my  own  eyes  filled  with  tears.  The  word 
to  start  was  now  given,  and  soon  nothing  was  heard 
but  the  rhythmical  beat  of  the  paddles,  as  twelve  lusty 
canoe  men  sent  the  graceful  boat  flying  through  the 
water,  and  soon  the  sorrowful  figures  on  the  beach 
became  indistinguishable.  A  little  later,  and  the  shore 
itself  had  become  distant  and  dim  as  we  pulled  out 
towards  the  far-off  island  where  we  were  to  make  our 
first  camp  ;  and  thus  for  the  second  time  I  bade  farewell 
to  Uganda  and  its  kindly  inhabitants. 

Nickisson  and  I  had  a  long  but  pleasant  journey 
to  Nassa,  passing  the  German  station  at  Bukoba, 
where  we  met  Hubbard,  my  old  companion  in  travel, 
bringing  the  new  mission  boat,  the  James  Hannington, 
to    Uganda.       My    former    boy,    Songoro,*    was    now 

*  When  I  first  made  Songoro's  acquaintance  he  was  a  poor, 
half-starved,  runaway  slave,  who  had  been  raided  by  the  Arabs, 
and  taken  refuge  with  my  caravan  seven  years  before.  He  ac- 
companied me  to  Zanzibar,  where  I  procured  letters  of  freedom 
for  him. 


1893]  The  People  of  Nassa  419 

captain  of  the  boat ;  he  had  become  a  fine  strapping 
fellow.  The  poor  lad  was  drowned  a  few  weeks  later, 
while  attempting  to  do  something  to  the  anchor  of  the 
boat.  He  had  dived  into  the  water,  but  never  came 
up  alive.     His  body  was  recovered  the  next  day. 

At  one  of  our  camps  we  saw  great  numbers  of 
hippos,  so  we  went  out  in  a  canoe  to  try  and  get 
a  shot.  Nickisson  landed  on  a  rock  which  stood 
up  some  distance  out  in  the  Lake,  and  from  that 
point  was  able  to  take  a  steady  aim  at  a  huge  cow. 
On  receiving  one  shot  from  the  Martini  she  turned 
over  instantaneously.  We  saw  her  four  feet  for  an 
instant  in  the  air,  and  then  she  sank.  The  same 
afternoon  the  carcass  floated,  and  the  canoe  men 
towed  it  in.  In  a  couple  of  hours  the  huge  monster 
was  cut  up  and  carried  off  to  be  eaten.  We  tried 
some  of  the  meat,  but  did  not  find  it  altogether  a 
success.  We  had  so  many  ducks  that  hippo  meat 
was  rather  at  a  discount. 

We  did  not  finally  reach  Nassa  until  the  end  of 
March.  The  people  here  are  very  primitive,  but 
kindly  disposed,  and  apt  now  to  be  somewhat  cringing, 
owing  to  their  great  dread  of  the  Germans,  who  have 
a  military  station  at  no  great  distance.  Some  little 
progress  has  been  made  in  teaching  them  ;  but  those 
among  them  who  appeared  most  impressed  with 
Christianity  were  more  or  less  outsiders,  the  chief 
Christian  being  half  a  Muhuma,  one  of  the  most 
intelligent  tribes  of  the  Bantu  people. 

I  remained  at  Nassa  some  fourteen  days,  kindly 
entertained  by  Nickisson,  but  suffering  from  an  attack 


420  Members  of  my  Party  [1893 

of  incipient  dysentery,  which  afterwards  on  the  journey 
nearly  proved  fatal.  It  was  now  the  rainy  season  ; 
but  in  a  fortnight's  time  from  my  arrival  at  Nassa 
the  rains  had  sufficiently  subsided  to  make  a  start 
possible.  My  party  consisted  of  the  following  : 
Alberto  Namenyeka,  an  Uganda  chief,  who  had  ac- 
companied me,  the  boys,  Timoteo  Kaiyima,  and  Kangiri, 
already  mentioned,  who  were  about  the  same  age 
(fifteen  years),  and  of  the  same  tribe,  and  one  or  two 
other  lads.  I  had  with  me  also  a  good-humoured 
Muganda  named  Musa,  who  had  formerly  served  as  a 
soldier  in  the  German  garrison  at  Bukoba.  On  his 
return  to  Uganda  subsequently  he  had  lived  with  me. 
He  now  acted  as  one  of  my  guards,  and  was  armed 
with  a  Winchester  rifle.  Alberto  had  a  double-barrelled 
express  rifle,  Timoteo  a  Snider  carbine,  and  Edgar  * 
a  faulty  Snider  rifle.  These  completed  the  list  of  my 
armed  guards.  I  had  besides  about  a  dozen  Nassa 
men  carrying  my  baggage,  and  a  mixed  company  ot 
Wasukuma  natives,  who  followed  me  with  the  intention 
of  going  to  the  coast  to  hire  themselves  out  as  porters 
in  returning  caravans.  Subsequently  I  armed  some  of 
my  porters  with  bows  and  arrows  and  spears,  that  they 
might  have  weapons  of  some  kind  to  give  them  con- 
fidence. I  then  bade  farewell  to  Nickisson,  to  whom  I 
am  indebted  for  many  kindnesses,  and  not  the  least, 
his  allowing  me  to  make  full  use  of  the  interesting 
pictures  he  had  obtained  with  his  camera. 

I  had  bought  a  donkey  from  the  Germans  at  Muanza, 
an   animal   which,   failing    a   bicycle,   is   almost   an  in- 

*  A  Freretown  mission  boy,  who  was  returning  to  the  coast. 


1893]  Timoteo  stung  by  a  Scorpion 


421 


dispensable  adjunct  to  African  travelling.  The  donkey 
I  secured  made  my  long  seven  hundred  mile  journey 
a  pleasure  rather  than  the  weariness  it  must  otherwise 
have  been. 


■h^hL"' iJ^^K^I  ''  ffiiM^^   ^^^H 

■  f|j| 

fit 

H  <  ^H  ^H^ 

',     ".  ^^^Wc.^'j/ 

KAPO.NGO,    THE    CHIEF    UF    NASiA. 


I  left  Nassa  in  pouring  rain,  and  the  first  night  ot 
my  journey  (owing  to  a  mishap  which  befell  my  boy 
Timoteo)  proved  anything  but  pleasant.  One  of  the 
scorpions,  so  common  in  this  country,  stung  him- 
They  are    not  more  than   an   inch  or  one  and  a  half 


42  2  Wholesale   Thieving  [1893 

inches  long,  small  and  colourless,  but  they  give  a  most 
frightful  sting — nearly  as  bad,  I  was  told,  as  the 
dreadful-looking  black  scorpions,  some  six  or  seven 
inches  in  length,  found  further  south. 

Timoteo  came  to  me  in  great  tribulation,  and 
bemoaned  himself  all  night  long  in  my  tent.  Had  I 
ever  been  stung  ?  Yes.  How  long  did  the  pain  last } 
I  said  in  my  case  it  had  lasted  acutely  for  about  two 
hours.  In  five  minutes  Timoteo  stopped  moaning  to 
say,  "  Sir,  is  the  two  hours  up  .'' "  "  No  ;  "  and  so  on 
till  dawn  broke.*  Neither  of  us  had  any  sleep  during 
the  night. 

My  train  of  naked  Wasukuma  grew  larger  as  we 
advanced,  for  we  gained  recruits  at  many  of  the  villages, 
and  some  of  these  people,  taking  advantage  of  the 
presence  of  an  European,  unknown  to  me,  here  and 
there  robbed  the  villages  of  the  district  through  which 
I  passed. 

In  one  village  I  happened  to  sit  down  to  rest,  and 
presently  one  of  the  inhabitants  came  to  complain  of 
being  robbed.  On  inquiry  I  found  that  one  of  my 
tail-men  had  loaded  himself  with  all  that  he  could  carry 
away.  I  made  him  disgorge  the  stolen  goods  at  once. 
I  thought  of  tying  him  up  and  ordering  him  a  casti- 
gation,  but  as  he  had  a  dreadful  sore  on  his  leg,  and, 
moreover,  was  not  actually  one  of  my  people,  I 
contented  myself  with  making  him  give  compensation 

*  Scorpion  stings. — I  have  been  told  since  coming  home  that 
an  onion  applied  to  scorpion  stings  is  a  specific.  I  had,  as  it 
happened,  some  onions  with  me,  but  I  did  not  know  of  their 
medicinal  virtues  or  I  might  have  tried  the  effect  on  Timoteo  ! 


1983]     How  is  Nyanza  supplied  with  Water?     423 

in  the  shape  of  an  old  fez  cap,  which  he  possessed, 
which  seemed  quite  to  satisfy  the  man  whom  he  had 
intended  to  rob.  This  dishonest  traveller  afterwards 
proved  most  useful  to  me,  and  in  spite  of  his  bad  leg 
and  character,  assisted,  for  some  small  consideration,  to 
carry  me  when  I  became  ill. 

Going  in  a  south-westerly  direction,  I  passed  through 
the  districts  of  Usmao  and  Urima,  and  crossed  various 
rivers,  one  or  two  of  which  were  normally  of  con- 
siderable size  ;  but  all  were  now  swollen  by  the  recent 
rains  to  enormous  volume.  These  swift  streams  seem 
to  be  the  key  of  the  puzzle  of  how  the  Nyanza  is 
supplied  with  water.  The  vast  volumes  of  water  that 
pour  themselves  into  the  Lake,  rushing  in  wide  and 
deep  torrents  through  these  southern  regions,  are  almost 
inconceivable.  Without  resorting  to  more  complicated 
theories,  one  can  easily  understand  that  during  the 
rainy  season  a  supply  of  water  from  these  mighty 
feeders  sweeps  into  the  Nyanza  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  existence  of  the  Lake. 

I  had  not  thus  far  been  able  to  shake  off  my 
threatened  dysentery,  a  sickness  not  unfrequently  fatal 
to  African  travellers,  but  an  unpleasant  accident  which 
very  shortly  happened  to  me  made  the  threat  a  dire 
reality. 

I  had  advanced  but  slowly,  for  I  found  the  swamps 
and  watercourses  much  more  frequent  than  I  had  been 
prepared  to  expect.  At  last  I  was  brought  to  a  halt, 
and  kept  waiting  for  a  couple  of  days,  for  one  of  these 
raging  torrents  to  go  down  sufficiently  for  my  caravan 
to  cross  over.      Each  day  during  my  involuntary  halt 


424  Making  a  Raft  [1893 

I  sent  men  to  bring  the  news  of  the  stream,  and 
whether  it  had  yet  become  fordable.  The  third 
morning  they  told  me  it  might  possibly  be  feasible  to 
attempt  a  crossing  ;  but  they  seemed  very  doubtful. 
However,  I  determined  to  make  the  attempt.  We 
successfully  crossed  one  great  swamp  and  river,  but 
soon,  on  surmounting  the  next  rising  ground,  I  saw  in 
front  of  me  what  appeared  like  a  small  lake  ;  however, 
when  we  approached  it,  I  thought  it  seemed  fairly 
shallow,  and  to  be  flowing  somewhat  sluggishly.  I 
therefore  cast  about  for  some  means  of  crossing. 
But  there  was  nothing  in  the  way  of  a  boat.  I  thought 
of  a  raft,  but  there  was  no  wood  of  any  kind  within 
reach.  My  eye  suddenly  caught  sight  of  the  poles, 
on  each  end  of  which  my  porters  were  carrying  their 
loads  balanced  over  their  shoulders.  The  poles  were 
some  eight  feet  in  length,  and  were  usually  formed  of 
the  lightest  kind  of  wood  procurable,  notably  the 
ambatch,  or  failing  that  the  stem  of  the  palm  branch. 
I  collected  from  my  followers  a  quantity  of  these  poles 
together  with  the  cord  (twisted  out  of  strong  fibre), 
which  they  use  for  tying  up  their  bundles.  With  this 
cord  I  tied  the  poles  side  by  side  to  two  or  three 
cross-pieces.  Among  my  baggage  I  had  two  zinc -lined 
watertight  boxes.  Thesej- 1  emptied  of  their  contents 
and  lashed  on  to  the  raft,  and  then  over  these  a  few 
more  carrying  poles  to  form  a  kind  of  platform.  The 
boxes  were  about  one  foot  in  depth,  so  that  they  gave 
the  raft  great  buoyancy. 

I  then  launched  my  novel  craft.     It  floated  splendidly, 
and  I  took  my  seat  upon  it,  while  the  men,  wading  by 


1^93]  A  Stream  like  a  Mill- Race  425 

my  side,  propelled  the  raft  through  the  shallow  waters. 
I  was  delighted  with  the  success  of  my  invention,  and 
received  with  complacency  the  praises  bestowed  on  the 
masala  (cleverness)  of  the  Muzungu  (Englishman). 
Presently   we   reached   a   little   island,  where  I  disem- 


" EDGAR,   SHOWING  ALSO  UGANDA  ENTRANCE  AND  DOOR  BEHIND, 


barked,  and  saw,  to  my  dismay,  that  though  we  were 
only  some  fifteen  or  sixteen  yards  from  the  opposite 
bank,  between  the  island  and  the  other  side  there 
rushed  a  swift  stream  like  a  mighty  mill-race,  fully 
seven  or  eight  feet  deep.  The  shallow  and  sluggish 
stream  already  passed  was  merely  the  overflow  of  this 


426  Making  a  Rope  [1893 

watercourse.  Edgar,  already  mentioned,  a  lad  aged  about 
seventeen,  was  a  strong  swimmer,  so  he  jumped  in,  and 
was  soon  swept  to  the  other  side,  reaching  the  bank 
forty  or  fifty  yards  lower  down.  I  thought  if  I  could 
get  a  rope  across  I  might  be  able  to  work  the  raft 
across  by  hauling  it  backwards  and  forwards.  So  I 
went  back  to  my  porters  and  collected  all  the  rope, 
cord,  and  string  in  the  caravan.  There  was  a  con- 
siderable quantity  of  cocoa-nut  rope  from  Zanzibar, 
with  which  most  of  the  baggage  was  tied,  also  some 
Uganda  executioner's  cord,  and  an  Usoga  rope,  which 
I  was  taking  home  as  a  curiosity.  Everything  in  the 
shape  of  cord  that  I  could  lay  my  hands  on  was 
requisitioned,  and  we  twisted  it  into  a  strong  rope. 
Then  I  returned  to  my  island.  Edgar  took  one  end 
of  the  rope,  and,  after  two  or  three  unsuccessful  efforts, 
carried  the  end  to  the  opposite  bank,  where  he  secured 
it.  What  with  the  long  morning  march  and  the  raft 
making  and  rope  twisting,  the  day  was  nearly  spent. 
We  had  all  been  too  busy  to  think  of  cooking.  I  was 
anxious  to  make  the  experiment  of  crossing  before  the 
light  failed.  I  had  established  a  communication  be- 
tween the  island  and  the  opposite  bank  ;  but  the  weak 
point  in  the  affair  was  that  I  had  not  sufficient  rope 
to  attach  to  each  end  of  my  raft,  and  so  haul  it 
backwards  and  forwards.  Meanwhile  a  little  party  of 
villagers  from  the  other  side — people  of  Urima — 
having  taken  the  precaution  of  driving  off  their  cattle, 
now  came  down,  and  for  some  time  watched  my 
proceedings  with  great  interest.  They  quite  saw  what 
I  was  trying  to  do,  and  kindly  volunteered  to  hold  the 


1893]  The  Raft  swept  from  under  Me        427 

end  of  the  rope  at  their  own  side.  I  thought  I  might 
be  able  to  cross  on  the  principle  of  a  chain  ferry,  and 
work  my  light  raft  across  holding  on  to  the  rope, 
which  was  now  stretched  across  the  stream.  I  there- 
fore embarked,  and  pushed  myself  off.  At  first  all 
went  well,  and  my  hopes  rose ;  but  as  I  advanced 
nearly  to  the  middle  of  the  flood  I  saw  that  I  had 
wofully  miscalculated  the  force  of  the  torrent.  The 
strain  on  the  rope  became  very  great,  and  the  result 
was  that  one  end  of  the  raft  went  under  water,  and 
I  found  I  must  either  let  go  the  rope  and  be  swept 
down  the  stream  on  my  fragile  vessel  without  any 
pole  or  oar,  or  else  cling  to ,  the  rope  myself  and  let 
my  raft  go.  I  decided  on  clinging  to  what  was  a 
pretty  fair  certainty  rather  than  risk  a  lonely  voyage 
in  unknown  waters.  I  therefore  held  on  to  the  rope. 
In  another  moment  the  raft  was  swept  from  under  me, 
and  went  dancing  down  the  stream.  I  was  now  in 
the  water,  the  torrent  gurgling  in  my  ears  and  sweeping 
along  with  such  force  that  it  was  all  I  could  do  to 
retain  my  hold  on  the  rope.  If  one  of  the  groups  on 
land  had  let  go  the  other  could  easily  have  hauled 
me  safely  ashore  ;  but  I  dare  not  shout  to  them  to  let 
go  ;  for  then  both  parties  would  probably  have  let  go 
simultaneously,  and,  weighted  with  boots  and  clothing 
as  I  was,  and  weak  with  sickness,  I  should  most 
probably  have  been  drowned.  So  I  determined  again 
to  hold  on,  and  work  hand  over  hand  to  the  opposite 
bank.  My  wisest  plan  would  of  course  have  been  to 
return  to  the  island  where  my  friends  and  all  my 
belongings   were  ;  but    I    had    only  room   in   my  head 


428  An  unpleasant  Predicame^tt  [1893 

at  the  moment  for  the  thought  that  the  other  side 
was  the  place  I  was  bound  for,  and  so  to  the  other 
side  I  would  go.  So  I  struggled  on,  and  reached  the 
opposite  bank  very  much  fatigued.  The  whole  thing, 
had  I  been  strong  and  well,  would  have  been  merely 
an  amusing  accident  ;  but  under  the  circumstances  of 
my  being  so  unwell  it  was  a  serious  mishap.  The 
sun  had  now  sunk,  a  cold  wind  was  blowing,  and 
I  was  wet  through  and  through.  I  had  landed  among 
semi-hostile  savages,  who  entertained  a  strong  grudge 
against  all  white  men,  owing  to  their  hatred  of  the 
Germans.  I  was  weak  and  ill,  and  an  unfordable 
torrent  ran  between  me  and  my  friends  and  supplies. 
I  had  no  inclination  to  cross  the  water  again  ;  and 
I  thought  it  would  be  better  to  sleep  in  the  village, 
where  I  could  at  least  dry  myself  by  a  fire,  than  to 
run  the  risk  of  being  drowned.  I  was,  moreover,  too 
weak  to  make  the  attempt.  A  day  or  two  before 
I  had,  as  it  happened,  read  in  a  newspaper,  which 
I  had  with  me,  of  an  unhappy  man  who  lost  his  life 
in  the  Mersey.  There  had  been  a  collision  in  the 
river,  and  he  had  managed  to  grasp  with  his  hands 
the  bowsprit  of  the  vessel  which  had  run  into  his  own 
ship.  He  was  able  to  support  himself  for  a  while,  but 
gradually  his  hold  relaxed,  and  he  was  heard  to  cry 
out,  "  I'm  done  for,  I'm  going,"  and  when  he  had  said 
this  the  poor  fellow  fell  off  into  the  water  and  was 
drowned.  This  narrative  had  kept  occurring  most 
strongly  to  my  mind  as  I  struggled  across  clinging  to 
my  rope,  and  feeling  the  while  very  near  being  done 
for  and  going.      I  had  imagined   myself  being   whirled 


1893]  A  hospitable  Reception  429 

down  the  torrent  in  the  manner  my  ill-starred  raft 
had  disappeared. 

As  soon  as  they  dragged  me  ashore  I  said  to  one 
of  the  natives  who  had  held  the  rope,  "  Tujage  Kaya  " 
("Let  us  go  home  ").  I  knew  a  few  words  of  their  dialect. 
And  so  these  kind  folk  took  my  two  arms  and  helped 
me  up  the  opposite  hill.  We  went  on  for  a  mile  and  a 
half  till  we  reached  the  village.  I  was  by  this  time 
shivering  with  cold.  My  hosts  now  entered  a  small 
circular  house,  where  to  my  delight  I  saw  there  was 
a  fire.  There  was  a  wild  stampede  as  a  terrified  little 
boy  tried  to  climb  a  high  partition  in  order  to  effect 
his  escape.  However,  my  guide  reassured  him 
sufficiently  to  prevail  upon  him  to  make  his  exit  by 
the  ordinary  method,  through  the  door.  The  women 
folk  also  took  their  departure,  and  I  was  left  alone  with 
my  guides.  Very  soon  several  of  the  villagers  came 
in  to  hear  the  news  of  my  disastrous  shipwreck  and 
to  see  the  strange  white  guest.  I  took  the  liberty 
of  divesting  myself  of  all  my  clothes  in  order  to  dry 
them,  an  operation  watched  by  the  spectators  with 
the  keenest  interest.  My  host  kindly  lent  me  his  best 
suit — a  small  goat  skin — in  which  I  arrayed  myself 
while  my  clothes  were  drying.  I  sat  on  the  foot  of 
the  bed — an  inclined  frame,  on  which  were  stretched 
a  couple  of  hard  cow-skins.  A  small  beam  at  the  foot 
of  the  bed  formed  a  ledge  to  keep  the  sleeper  from 
sliding  off.  I  sat  on  this  ledge  till  it  was  time  to 
go  to  bed. 

I  had  half  a  ship's  biscuit  in  my  pocket,  which 
had    been    soaked    in    the    water,   a   small   clock,  and 


430  ■        "  Down  on  my  Luck "  [1893 

a  note-book.  I  sadly  ate  my  biscuit,  and  the  kindly 
host  brought  me  some  sour  milk,  which  I  drank  with 
great  relish.  He  gave  me  some  Indian  corn,  but  I 
was  afraid  to  eat  it  owing  to  my  weak  condition. 
After  a  while  Edgar  appeared  ;  he  had  kindly  come  to 
keep  me  company.  No  one  else  was  able  to  cross  the 
river.  I  then  tried  to  settle  down  for  the  night,  but 
presently  the  mosquitos  came  in  myriads,  and  I  fell 
an  easy  prey  to  these  cruel  adversaries.  I  made 
Edgar  crouch  near  me  on  the  bed  to  keep  me  warm, 
and  covered  myself,  as  far  as  I  was  able,  with  my  damp 
garments,  and  then  towards  morning  fell  into  unrestful 
dreams. 

Next  day  I  sent  Edgar  to  go  and  see  if  the  water 
had  at  all  abated.  When  he  was  gone  I  went  after  him 
and  called  him  back,  and  told  him  if  he  could  to  swim 
the  river  to  fetch  me  some  things  wrapped  in  my 
mackintosh  sheet,  and  to  tell  Timoteo  to  pack  them. 
He  started  on  his  mission,  and  I  went  sadly  back  to 
the  village,  feeling  more  melancholy  and  lonely,  more 
"  down  on  my  luck  "  than  I  had  felt  for  many  a  long 
day.  My  low  spirits  were  no  doubt  the  result  of  my 
weakness  and  want  of  food.  I  went  into  the  hut,  and 
sank  down  on  my  cow-skin  bed  to  find  strength  in 
the  tender  love  of  an  Almighty  Comforter.  Before 
this  the  stream  which  I  had  crossed  had  seemed  to  my 
agitated  imagination  like  a  nightmare  torrent  rolling 
between  hope  and  myself.  If  I  had  only  had  Timoteo 
with  me  to  sympathise  a  little  it  wouldn't  have  seemed 
so  bad.  I  don't  know  how  long  I  was  thus  meditat- 
ing,  when   suddenly    Edgar    appeared    with    my   head 


1893]  A  severe  Illness  431 

man,  and  chief  of  the  Nassa  party,  who  had  managed 
to  cross  the  river.  Edgar  brought  a  parcel  containing 
biscuits,  condensed  milk,  tea,  and  bovril,  wrapped  up  in 
a  sheet  He  brought  besides  a  small  copper  kettle. 
He  also  gave  me  the  pleasing  intelligence  that  my  raft 
had  been  recovered,  and  that  the  river  was  much 
abated.  Soon  the  kettle  was  boiling  and  the  tea 
made,  and  the  horizon  became  bright  and  smiling,  and 
loathed  melancholy  took  her  flight  A  cup  of  tea 
under  such  circumstances  is  a  fit  theme  for  a  Cowper. 
In  the  afternoon  Timoteo  and  Kangiri  arrived;  the  latter 
had  been  half  drowned  in  crossing.  They  had  been 
helped  across  by  some  stalwart  natives  accustomed  to 
these  torrents,  but  Kangiri  had  been  carried  down  the 
stream,  and  was  only  recovered  with  the  greatest 
difficulty.  The  poor  little  fellow  suffered  nearly  as  much 
from  his  immersion  as  I  did,  for  in  a  day  or  two  he 
developed  pleurisy,  and  became  too  weak  to  walk.  The 
result  of  my  wetting  was  a  severe  attack  of  dysentery. 
I  therefore  pitched  my  camp,  and  awaited  with  some 
anxiety  the  turn  affairs  would  take.  I  knew  it  must 
soon  end  one  way  or  another,  and,  humanly  speaking, 
I  owe  my  life  to  the  nursing  of  Timoteo,  who  never 
left  me  night  or  day,  and  also  to  a  good  supply  of 
drugs  and  the  cornflour  which  I  had  with  me.  The 
third  morning  the  symptoms  abated,  and  I  made  a 
start  on  the  donkey  ;  but  I  soon  found  that  I  was  far 
too  weak  to  sit  up,  and  so  I  hired  a  few  of  the  super- 
numeraries who  were  following  to  carry  me.  And  in 
this  way  I  travelled  for  three  or  four  days. 

I    have    given    rather    minute  details    of  a  perhaps 


432       Trite  Story  of  a  Strange  Incident        [1893 

trifling  incident,  but  I  have  done  so  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  kind  of  accidents  which  may  befall  even 
a  well-equipped   traveller  in  a  country   like  Africa. 

Leaving  Usukuma,  I  came  southwards  to  Usongo, 
Stokes'  village,  where  the  great  trader  was  awaiting 
one  of  his  ivory  caravans  preparatory  to  his  journey 
with  his  hosts  of  porters  to  the  coast.  He  treated  me 
with  kindness,  and  gave  me  a  present  of  goats. 
While  here  I  met  Mr.  Muxworthy,  who  related  to  me 
the  true  story  of  an  incident  that  occurred  the  last 
time  I  was  on  my  way  to  Zanzibar  from  the  Nyanza 
in  the  year  1888. 

Two  hundred  miles  of  the  road  from  Mpwapwa  to 
Zanzibar  lay  through  the  districts  disturbed  owing  to 
the  armed  resistance  to  the  aggression  of  Germany 
by  the  Arabs  and  their  native  allies.  At  Mpwapwa 
I  had  joined  Dr.  Pruen,  who  had  just  been  recalled  to 
the  coast,  and  who  was  about  to  undertake  the  journey 
with  his  brave  wife  and  a  six-weeks-old  baby,  little 
Stella.  As  we  advanced  further  and  further  towards 
Zanzibar  we  found  that  we  were  in  a  thoroughly 
hostile  country,  and  that  it  would  be  dangerous  in  the 
highest  degree  to  go  on.  It  was  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  that  we  were  able  to  communicate  with  the 
English  Consul-General  at  Zanzibar,  and  to  inform  him 
of  the  very  dangerous  position  in  w^hich  we  were  placed. 

Our  Consul  at  once  begged  of  the  then  Sultan, 
Seyyid  Khalifa,  to  use  his  influence  for  our  protection, 
and  this  he  promised  to  do,  but,  as  Sir  Charles  Euan 
Smith  subsequently  learned,  with  no  intention  of 
keeping  his  word. 


1893]        We  owe  our  Lives  to  a  Kind  Act.       433 

The  Sultan  at  that  time  was  really  bitterly  opposed 
to  the  Germans,  and  indeed  to  all  Europeans  in  the 
interior,  though  he  was  nominally  supporting  them 
with  his  soldiers  ;  but  as  these  soldiers,  as  I  have 
heard,  were  supplied  with  blank  cartridges  for  use 
against  their  co-religionists,  their  presence  cannot  have 
been  very  valuable  to  their  German  allies.  The  Sultan, 
at  any  rate,  would  not  lift  a  finger  for  our  help  any 
more  than  he  did  in  the  case  of  another  missionary, 
Mr.  Brooks,  who  was  afterwards  murdered  in  the  same 
district,  governed  by  the  Arab  chief,  Bwana  Heri. 

We,  however,  owed  our  lives  to  a  small  act  of  kind- 
ness which  had  been  performed  for  the  chief  in 
question  by  Mr.  Muxworthy,  who  was  then  acting  as 
our  business  agent  in  Zanzibar.  Mr.  Muxworthy's 
version  of  the  story  was  as  follows  :  "  He  had  sent 
one  of  his  own  men  to  accompany  the  Consul-General's 
messengers  to  Bwana  Heri,  who  lived  at  Sadaani, 
the  small  coast  town  to  which  we  were  making  our 
way.  The  chief  and  the  Arab  elders  met  in  the 
open  square  of  the  town  to  discuss  what  should  be 
done.  All  voices  were  eager  that  the  hated  Europeans 
should  be  killed,  and  the  question  was  warmly  argued 
until  sunset.  At  last  Bwana  Heri  addressed  the 
assemblage  in  the  following  terms  :  '  Listen  to  me,'  he 
said,  '  that  I  may  speak.  You  know  how  the  English 
not  many  days  since  seized  my  jahazi  (dhow),  and 
were  about  to  condemn  her  as  a  slaver  and  to  break 
her  up,  when  my  friend  Bwana  Muxworthy  went 
himself  to  the  Baloza  (British  Agent),  and  falling  on 
his  knees  before  him  implored  him  to  spare  the  vessel 

38 


434  Oriental  Embellishment  [1893 

of  me  his  friend  Bwana  Heri.  The  Baloza  heard  his 
prayer,  and  my  jahazi  was  restored  to  me  through  the 
intercession  of  my  friend.  Now  he  has  sent  to  pray 
me  to  protect  his  friends,  and  shall  I  not  do  so  ?  By 
Allah  !  but  I  will.  '  Bass '  (enough,  the  matter  is 
ended)." 

All  applauded  Bwana  Heri's  decision,  and  our  safety 
was  secured.  Next  day  the  old  man  sent  his  own 
son  Abdallah,  with  some  dozen  soldiers,  to  escort  us 
to  the  coast.  The  mission  steamer,  the  Henry 
Wright^  had  endeavoured  to  land  a  boat  at  Sadaani 
in  hopes  of  taking  us  off,  but  she  was  fired  upon  by 
the  Arabs,  and  had  to  withdraw.  We  were  eventually, 
however,  safely  embarked  in  Bwana  Heri's  dhow — the 
very  jahazi,  I  suppose,  that  Mr.  Muxworthy  had  been 
the  means  of  restoring  to  its  owner — and  in  it  we 
finally  made  our  escape. 

Bwana  Heri's  story  was  somewhat  embellished 
with  Oriental  figures.  Mr.  Muxworthy  had  not  found 
it  necessary  to  fall  on  his  knees  before  the  British 
Consul,  but  in  the  court  he  had  been  able  to  give 
satisfactory  proof  that  the  suspected  dhow  was  not 
a  slaver,  when  she  was  at  once  restored  to  her  owner. 
This  little  incident  serves  to  show  on  what  slender 
threads  our  lives  often   hang. 


CHAPTER    II 

PERILS  IN  THE    WILDERNESS 


Our  Hosts  hold  their  Noses — Iktmgu  must  be  won  on  Pain  of 
Death — Another  Object  of  Charity— Will  he  win  Ikungu? — 
My  first  Patient  dies — Price's  Bicycle — A^o  One  to  teach  the 
Glad  Tidings — Carried  off  by  a  Lion — Disputing  its  Prey  with 
a  Lion — Waiting  for  the  Tide — Getterous  Kitidncss  of  Sir 
Lloyd  Mathews—  Intef  view  with  H.H.  Sayyid  Haniid  bin 
Thwain. 


1 893] 


CHAPTER    II 

PERILS  IN  THE   WILDERNESS 

A  DAY  or  two  after  leaving  Usongo  we  entered  an 
-^~^  uninhabited  wilderness,  and  one  morning  we 
reached  a  river,  now  merely  a  sandy  bed  with  here  and 
there  a  pool.  The  margin  of  the  river  was  lined  with 
palm  trees,  on  which  were  perched  numbers  of  cranes, 
which  had  collected  to  feed  upon  the  fish  that  now 
swarmed  in  the  infrequent  pools.  All  discipline 
immediately  vanished  from  my  caravan,  my  loads  were 
flung  down  in  the  river  bed,  and  the  men  went  off 
pell-mell  to  secure  the  fish.  They  came  back  loaded, 
but  looking  sheepish  ;  for  they  knew  they  had  done 
wrong.  As  each  one  came  up  I  made  him  throw  his 
fish  on  the  ground  ;  and  when  all  had  come  up  I  said, 
"Now  what  have  you  gained  by  leaving  my  loads, 
perhaps  for  robbers  to  seize  ?  How  much  fish  do  you 
possess  now  ?  "  "  We  have  gained  nothing,"  they 
replied,  "  and  we  have  done  wrong."  Though  I  had 
made  them  relinquish  their  fishy  spoils,  I  had  no 
intention  of  allowing  them  to  lose  so  valuable  a  pro- 
vision for  the  journey.  So  I  now  said,  as  they  had 
acknowledged    their    fault,    I    would  overlook   it,   and, 

437 


438  Our  Hosts  hold  their  Noses  [1893 

what  was  more,  I  would  forfeit  a  day's  journey,  and 
make  my  camp  here  in  order  that  they  might  collect 
a  goodly  supply  of  fish  and  partially  cure  it.  The 
men  were  delighted,  while  the  theory  of  discipline  had 
been  vindicated.  We  then  made  our  camp  among  the 
palm  trees,  and  soon  many  hundredweights  of  fish 
were  brought  in.  Frames  were  made  on  which  to  place 
the  fish,  when  cleaned,  in  order  to  smoke  it.  This 
process  went  on  during  the  rest  of  the  day  and  all 
night  through.  Many  of  the  fish  were  enormous, 
some  of  them  weighing  fully  twenty  pounds,  if  not 
more.  When  we  started  next  morning  we  were  simply 
staggering  under  our  load  of  fish,  which  lasted  the 
Nassa  men  more  than  a  month — until,  in  fact,  we 
reached  Zanzibar. 

A  little  later,  when  we  entered  one  of  the  enormous 
villages  of  Ikungu  with  our  stinking  provision,  we 
were  received  with  the  most  ludicrously  absurd  gestures 
by  the  inhabitants,*  who,  anxious  to  see  us  and  hear 
the  news,  came  up  holding  their  noses  lest  their  sense 
of  smell  should  be  outraged  by  our  "  fishy  fume."  This 
village  was  visited  at  night  by  huge  hyaenas,  which 
prowled  round  the  tent.  Edgar  fixed  up  his  rifle  with 
a  piece  of  fish  on  the  muzzle  connected  by  a  string 
with  the  trigger.  When  all  was  quiet  a  hyaena  came 
and  snatched  the  fish,  and  in  so  doing  discharged  the 

*  It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  the  southern  Wanyamwezi, 
or  Badakama,  who  do  not  live  near  the  Nyanza,  will  not  touch 
fish,  while  that  branch  of  the  tribe  which  lives  on  the  shores  of 
the  Lake  are  skilful  fishermen,  and  largely  live  on  the  produce  of 
this  industry. 


i893]     Ikungu  to  be  won  on  Pain  of  Death     439 

rifle,  the  bullet  passing  through  his  own  head.  He 
fell  dead  a  {q.\v  yards  off,  and  was  discovered  in  the 
morning  lying  huge  and  stark.  These  great  brutes, 
it  is  said,  can  smash  the  leg  bone  of  a  zebra  with 
their  mighty  jaws. 

Ikungu  is  on  the  edge  of  the  grim  wilderness 
separating  Unyamwezi  from  Ugogo,  a  desert  of  six 
days'  journey.  Woe  to  the  weak  and  feeble  of  a 
heavily  loaded  caravan  when  once  they  have  entered 
the  terrible  Muganda — for  that  is  the  name  of  the 
wilderness — there  is  no  turning  back.  Ikungu  must 
be  won  on  pain  of  death.  How  many  a  tale  of  horror 
could  this  mighty  waste  unfold  !  We  had  not  gone 
more  than  two  days'  journey  in  the  wilderness  when 
a  huge  native  caravan — fully  a  thousand  people — 
passed  us,  all  carrying  up  to  what  seemed  their  utmost 
capacity.  The  goods  consisted  of  bales  of  cotton 
cloth,  long  muzzle-loading  guns,  gunpowder  in  10  lb. 
kegs,  brass  and  copper  wire,  and  not  unlikely  a  number 
of  breech-loading  rifles  and  ammunition  concealed  in 
the  bales. 

The  next  day  I  was  destined  to  see  for  myself  some 
of  the  gleanings  of  the  wilderness.  As  we  passed 
through  a  scrubby  piece  of  forest  Timoteo,  who  usually 
kept  in  front,  suddenly  appeared  at  the  side  of  the 
path  waiting  for  me  to  come  up.  He  had  halted  to 
draw  my  attention  to  a  poor  creature,  who,  unable  to 
stagger  on,  had  fallen  down  to  die.  Timoteo  had 
feared  that  I  might  not  notice  him,  as  he  lay  a  yard  or 
two  from  the  pathway.  Most  of  my  other  followers 
would   have   passed  by   with  the   utmost   indifference. 


440  Another  Object  of  Charity  [1893 

Timoteo  had  therefore  remained  to  point  out  this  poor 
fellow-creature  in  distress.  It  was  a  piteous  sight — a 
skeleton  with  dusky  skin  stretched  over  it ;  a  ghastly- 
sore  on  the  shoulder  filled  with  flies  ;  a  filthy  scrap 
of  rag  as  a  covering — yeX.  a  brother  with  life  still 
lingering  in  his  body.  What  was  to  be  done  ?  It 
was  an  almost  hopeless  case.  I  gave  him  a  little 
brandy  and  some  Valentine's  beef  juice.  This  roused 
him  up.  I  dressed  his  sore.  I  cooked  cornflour  for 
him,  and  forced  him  to  eat  it  till  he  wept  at  my 
cruelty  in  not  leaving  him  to  sleep  his  death  sleep 
in  peace.  I  improvised  a  hammock  of  my  tent  floor- 
cloth, and  hired  two  strapping  fellows,  who  had  followed 
me  from  Ikungu,  to  carry  the  poor  dying  creature. 
We  then  started  again  on  our  journey,  and  kept  on  till 
the  sun  was  sinking,  when,  just  as  we  entered  the  palm 
trees  which  marked  water  and  our  camp,  I  saw  that 
Timoteo  had  again  halted,  and  had  another  object  of 
charity  by  his  side — an  elderly  man  with  a  long  staff 
in  his  hand,  and  carrying  on  his  head  a  potsheard 
containing  a  half-handful  of  dried  beans,  his  whole 
provision  for  what  would  be  for  him  a  two  or  three 
days'  journey.  The  poor  fellow  was  now  light-headed, 
and  had  been  walking  almost  mechanically,  not  knowing 
whither  he  was  wandering  in  this  night  now  coming 
down  on  him  with  its  horror  of  darkness.  I  gave 
him  the  remains  of  the  Valentine's  beef  juice  and  the 
brandy  which  I  had  mixed  for%  the  patient  of  the 
morning,  and  his  eyes  were  enlightened.  As  soon  as 
I  reached  camp  and  had  a  fire  lighted,  I  made  the 
boys    cook    a    dish    of    ugali    (porridge)    and    a   fowl, 


1893]  Will  he  win  Ikungu  ?  441 

and  after  a  good  supper  he  fell  asleep.  Next  morning 
I  had  to  move  on,  and  the  question  arose,  What  were 
we  to  do  with  Number  Two  ?  He  said  his  legs  had 
given  out  two  days  since,  and  he  had  fallen  behind 
with  two  others,  whose  corpses  we  should  pass.  They 
had  fallen,  while  he  had  staggered  on  till  he  chanced 
to  meet  us.  I  told  him  he  had  better  make  up  his 
mind  what  to  do,  either  to  follow  us  or  go  forward. 
It  was  a  good  forty  miles  whichever  way  he  went ; 
but  his  home  lay  in  the  direction  of  Ikungu — that 
is,  the  opposite  way  to  which  we  were  going.  He 
said  he  would  attempt  the  journey.  We  therefore 
cooked  a  mass  of  ugali,  and  tied  it  up  in  a  cloth  for 
him,  and  gave  him  the  fat  tail  of  a  sheep^^nd,  what 
he  particularly  begged  for,  a  box  of  m^ches.  And, 
thus  provided,  he  set  out  on  that  forty  miles'  journey 
leaning  on  his  staff.  There  was  happily  plenty  of 
water  on  the  way  ;  and  at  every  stage  were  deserted 
camps  with  plenty  of  huts  surrounded  by  thorn  bushes, 
left  by  the  caravan  that  had  passed,  and  also  plenty 
of  fuel  to  his  hand,  collected  for  fires  by  the  people 
who  had  slept  in  that  camp  ;  he  had,  moreover,  his 
precious  box  of  matches.  But  there  were,  on  the 
other  hand,  hyaenas  and  hungry  lions  prowling  in  the 
wilderness ;  there  was  his  weakness  and  weariness  ; 
and  I  could  not  but  have  many  misgivings  as  I  watched 
him  take  his  solitary  westward  path,  and  I  have  often 
since  wondered  whether  he  succeeded  in  traversing  the 
long  forty  miles,  and  in  winning  Ikungu  ;  but  I  never 
heard. 

We  had  not  left  our  camp  very  long  when  we  came 


442  My  first  Patient  dies  [1893 

upon  the  ghastly  sight  of  the  corpse  of  one  of  the 
two  men  which  our  friend  had  told  us  we  should  see. 
It  was  partially  devoured  by  a  hyaena,  and  was  a  truly 
horrible  sight.  The  other  dead  body  had  been 
dragged   out  of  sight. 

Such  is  the  result  of  the  present  system  of  caravan 
travelling,  and  the  moral  of  these  incidents  is — let 
a  railway  be  made.  The  next  night  my  poor  patient, 
whom  I  had  by  this  time  transported  fully  forty  miles, 
at  last  succumbed.  My  men  thought  me  a  fool  for 
bothering  a  dying  man  by  moving  him  ;  but  what 
could  I  do  .!'  I  left  him  lying  by  our  camp  fire  just  as 
he  had  died.  There  was  no  time  to  make  a  grave, 
for  one  and  all  were  anxious  to  be  out  of  the  Muganda 
Mukali— the  terrible  wilderness. 

We  had  thus  passed  safely  through  the  great 
wilderness,  and  happily  without  other  adventures  than 
those  already  related.  We  journeyed  on  through 
Ugogo  to  Kisokwe,  the  mission  station  near  Mpwapwa, 
where  I  found  my  kind  friends  the  Coles  both  ill 
in  bed.  I  was,  however,  hospitably  received  by 
Mr.  Briggs,  also  stationed  at  Kisokwe.  The  next 
camp  was  Mpwapwa,  where  another  old  friend  and 
faithful  missionary,  the  Rev.  J.  C.  Price,  was  carrying 
on  his  work.  He  had  just  had  some  interesting 
baptisms  in  the  river  which  runs  through  the  valley 
at  some  distance  from  his  house.  The  heathen  stood 
on  one  bank  with  the  candidates  among  them,  while 
those  who  had  already  received  baptism  stood  on  the 
other.  The  candidates  then  descended  into  the  water, 
and  were  duly  baptised,  after  which  they  came  up  out 


i893] 


Price  s  Bicycle 


443 


of  the  water,  and  were  received   by  the  little  Christian 
congregation  on  the  other  bank, 


REV,    T,    C.    PRICES    MISSION    CHILDREN.       THE   GIRL    HOLDING   THE 
BOOK    IS    DAUGHTER   OF   THE    UGOGO   CHIEF   OF    MPWAPWA. 


Price  had  a  bicycle,  but  he  had  injured  it  in  learn- 
ing to  ride  ;  besides,  it  was  rather  too  light  for  rough 
African   work.     Still  for  the  level  plains  of  Ugogo,  of 


444         ^0  one  to  teach  the  Glad  Tidings         [1893 

which  country  Price  may  be  called  the  apostle,  a  good 
bicycle,  I  should  imagine,  would  be  indispensable.  I 
give  an  illustration  of  three  young  girls  who  were  Price's 
"  children."  While  I  was  at  Mpwapwa  the  boys 
brought  in  three  baby  leopards.  I  thought  of  trying 
to  carry  one  to  the  coast,  but  it  was  too  young  for 
the  attempt,  as  I  could  procure  no  milk  with  which  to 
feed  it. 

Bidding  farewell  to  Price  I  journeyed  to  Mamboya, 
my  ideal  of  beautiful  scenery,  where  I  was  most 
kindly  welcomed  by  the  Missionary  Deekes  and  his 
wife.  She  had  a  fine  baby,  which  was  a  credit  to  its 
mountain  home.  With  them  I  remained  a  day  or 
two,  and  then  once  more  turned  my  face  coastvvards. 
I  need  not  dwell  on  the  incidents  of  the  journey  to  the 
sea,  which  was  accomplished  without  any  mishap. 
I  made  a  point  of  visiting  my  friends  at  Mazengos, 
whom  I  have  mentioned  before.  And  there,  sure 
enough,  was  little  Kilimo  and  the  others  just  the 
same  as  ever,  except  that  they  had  grown  during 
my  absence. 

As  I  talked  to  these  intelligent  people  it  struck 
me  as  very  grievous  that  no  one  had  ever  attempted 
to  teach  them  the  glad  tidings  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 
The  French — those  intrepid  missionaries — had  indeed 
a  mission  station  not  very  far  away,  but  they  never 
had  attempted  to  teach  in  the  villages  of  this  district. 

While  here  I  became  acquainted  with  the  story  of 
as  curious  a  lion  adventure  as  I  have  ever  heard. 

I  happened  to  be  sitting  in  my  tent  doer,  when  I 
saw  a  number  of  Wanyamwezi  approaching  me  lead- 


1893]  Carried  off  by  a  Lion  445 

ing  a  boy.  They  came  up  and  saluted  me,  and  asked 
me  for  medicine  for  the  lad.  I  noticed  that  his  head 
was  covered  with  a  piece  of  calico.  On  removing  the 
covering  I  saw  that  there  were  two  deep  furrows,  one 
on  each  side  of  the  scalp,  reaching  from  the  back  to 
the  forehead.  The  skull  had  been  laid  bare  ;  the  poor 
boy  looked  much  emaciated  from  loss  of  blood.  I 
asked  how  this  had  happened,  and  with  many 
gesticulations  a  big  man,  who  seemed  to  be  the 
leader,  told   me  the  following  story  : — 

They  formed  a  small  party  which  was  making 
its  way  to  the  coast.  A  few  evenings  before  they 
had  reached  a  camping  ground  where  there  was  water, 
and  prepared  as  usual  to  turn  in  for  the  night.  They 
made  a  boma  (enclosure)  of  thorn  bushes  to  keep  off 
wild  animals,  and  inside  this  they  put  up  a  few  grass 
huts  in  which  to  sleep.  One  of  their  number,  a  lad, 
went  off  a  little  distance  with  his  axe  to  cut  some 
firewood,  while  others  drew  water  and  prepared  to  cook 
their  evening  meal,  consisting  of  thick  porridge  (ugali), 
and  made  of  the  meal  which  they  carried  with  them. 
The  lad  who  had  gone  to  cut  the  fuel,  however,  did 
not  return,  and  his  companions,  wondering  what  had 
become  of  him,  went  in  a  body  to  search  for  him. 
They  found  the  axe,  but  the  boy  was  gone — a  lion 
liad  carried  him  off.  With  heavy  hearts  they  returned 
to  their  little  camp,  lighted  the  fire,  and  cooked  their 
food,  and  one  can  imagine,  as  they  sat  there  with  the 
shadow  of  their  loss  upon  them,  how  they  related  grim 
stories  of  similar  misadventures,  with  which  African 
native  travel  is  so  abundantly  and  so  fearfully  supplied. 


446       Disputing  its  Prey  with  a  Lion  [1893 

They  then  made  up  the  fires,  and  lay  down  to  sleep. 
The  fires  burned  lower  and  lower,  and  the  sleepers 
must  have  been  weary  with  their  journey,  for  none 
of  them  arose  from  time  to  time,  as  travellers  usually 
do,  to  heap  fuel  on  the  dying  fires. 

Suddenly  they  were  awakened  by  the  horrible 
deep  growling  of  a  lion  which  had  leapt  their  little 
boma,  and  had  seized  one  of  their  number,  whose 
agonising  shrieks  told  my  informant  that  it  was  his 
own  boy  who  was  the  lion's  victim.  The  others, 
terrified  out  of  their  wits,  sprang  from  the  enclosure, 
and  ran  they  knew  not  whither.  But  the  boy's  father, 
my  informant,  a  great  strong  fellow,  had  no  notion 
of  so  running.  He  had  no  time  to  snatch  up  even 
a  spear,  but  went  straight  for  the  lion,  which  had  fixed 
his  claws  in  the  lad's  skull.  He  struck  the  monster 
over  and  over  again  full  in  its  face  with  his  clenched 
fist,  uttering  the  while  fierce  cries  of  anger.  And 
though  unarmed,  so  dauntlessly  did  he  dispute  its 
prey  with  the  savage  beast,  that  the  lion  was  actually 
cowed,  and  relinquished  the  boy  from  whose  wounds 
the  blood  was  pouring,  and  leaping  back  into  the 
darkness  from  which  it  had  sprung,  left  the  father 
triumphant,  and  the  boy,  though  wounded,  safe. 
Their  trembling  companions  now  came  back,  the  fires 
were  replenished  with  fuel,  and  they  bound  up  the 
lad's  wounds  as  best  they  could.  There  was  little 
more  sleep  for  them  that  night,  and  the  fires  were 
kept  bright,  as  the  little  party  waited  for  the  rising 
of  the   sun   to   continue   their  journey. 

Such     was    the    story    of    these    simple    folks.       I 


K  n 
w  > 


>  > 
r  N 


£  ^ 


K  ?; 


1892]  Waiting  for  the   Tide  449 

thoroughly  washed  the  poor  boy's  wounds  with  carbolic 
acid  and  water,  and  bound  them  up.  Two  days  later, 
when  I  left  Mazengos,  the  little  band  to  which  the 
lad  belonged  attached  themselves  to  me,  that  their  boy 
might  have  the  benefit  of  my  treatment,  and  every 
day  I  used  to  dress  his  wounds.  The  injured  boy 
walked  behind  me  all  the  way  to  Sadaani,  more  than 
one  hundred  miles,  and  the  wounds  were  doing  well 
when   I   left   him  in   order  to  cross   to  Zanzibar. 

We  crossed  over  on  Saturday  night,  and  reached 
Zanzibar  on  Sunday  morning,  to  the  no  small  disgust 
of  the  agents.  It  was  not  my  fault,  however,  that  I 
arrived  on  a  Sunday,  for  I  had  embarked  in  the  dhow 
on  Friday  night;  we  had  to  go  on  board  before  the 
tide  came  up.  The  dhow  lay  over  on  her  side,  and 
we  sat  miserably  waiting  for  the  water  to  come  up 
and  float  us.  The  tide  came  up  indeed,  but  only 
dallied  near  us  for  a  time,  and  then  receded,  leaving  us 
where  we  were ;  it  had  not  come  quite  far  enough  to 
float  us.  This  was  annoying,  but  no  one  in  particular 
was  to  blame,  and  I  had  to  remain  another  day  to 
await  a  more  favourable  tide.  The  German  officers 
at  Sadaani  treated  me  with  much  kindness  and 
hospitality.  At  last  the  dhow  floated,  and  we  made 
our  voyage  to  Zanzibar,  which  we  safely  reached. 
I  was  accompanied  by  Albert,  an  Uganda  chief,  and  my 
boys.  I  had  to  wait  for  a  full  week  before  the  arrival 
of  the  European  mail,  and  I  employed  the  interval 
in  showing  my  Uganda  companions  the  wonders  of 
European  and  Asiatic  civilisation,  as  represented  at 
Zanzibar.     We  paid  a  visit  to  the  Universities  Mission, 

29 


450     Kindness  of  Sir  Lloyd  Mathews  [1893 

where  we  were  courteously  received  by  the  late  Bishop 
Smithies.  But  the  person  of  all  others  who  loaded 
us  with  kindnesses  was  the  Sultan's  chief  nninister, 
Sir  Lloyd  Mathews,  whose  name  is  so  well  known  in 
connection  with  Zanzibar.  I  think  I  learnt  during  my 
visit  to  Zanzibar  the  secret  of  Sir  Lloyd's  marvellous 
influence  with  the  people  of  Africa  and  with  the 
Arabs. 

His  generous  kindness  to  myself  (an  entire  stranger), 
to  the  young  Uganda  chief  whom  I  had  with  me,  and 
even  to  my  boys  Timoteo  and  Kangiri,  I  can  never 
forget. 

We  must  come  and  dine  with  him,  the  whole  party 
of  us,  chief  and  boys  together.  Had  we  all  been 
English  noblemen  we  could  not  have  been  treated 
with  greater  courtesy,  consideration,  or  kindness.  It 
struck  me  as  strange  indeed  that  a  truth  which  had 
dimly  dawned  upon  me  as  containing  the  secret  of 
missionary  success  in  dealing  with  natives,  as  being 
the  basis  of  Christianity  itself — namely,  the  simple 
power,  without  any  appearance  of  condescension,  of 
treating  human  beings  as  brothers,  without  reference 
to  their  quality  at  all.  This  power  was  here  exhibited 
as  a  definite  system  by  the  chief  minister  of  Zanzibar. 
That  his  rare  abilities  have  been  recognised  by  our 
own  Government  appears  in  the  fact  of  the  distinction 
of  a  well-earned  knighthood  which  has  been  conferred 
upon  him. 

Before  leaving  Zanzibar,  my  friend  Albert,  the  chief, 
and  myself,  had  the  honour  of  a  private  interview  with 
the  Sultan,  His  Highness   Sayyid  Hamid  bin  Thwain. 


i893l        H.H.  Say y id  Hamid  bin   Thwain       451 

He  received  us  most  courteously,  and  spoke  sensibly 
about  the  opening  up  of  Africa,  the  price  of  ivory  in 
the  interior,  and  other  topics.  We  had  an  interpreter, 
but  both  Albert  and  I  understood  enough  Swahili  to 
carry  on  a  conversation  with  the  Sultan  in  that 
language.  The  Sultan  made  Albert  a  rich  present, 
and  gave  Jimmy,  who  had  followed  us,  a  handsome 
waistcoat. 

Before  I  left  for  England  I  took  my  Uganda  band 
to  be  photographed,  that  I  might  preserve  a  memento 
of  my  kindly  companions. 

On  July  4th  I  bade  these  faithful  friends  a  sorrowful 
farewell,  leaving  them  in  the  kind  care  of  Sir  Lloyd 
Mathews,  until  my  friend  Walker  should  arrive  at  the 
end  of  the  month  to  relieve  him  of  the  charge  he  so 
generously  undertook. 

I  must  now  also  bid  my  reader  farewell,  with  the 
hope  that  I  have  been  able  in  some  measure  to  interest 
him  in  these  "  Chronicles  of  Uganda." 


APPENDICES 


A.  Instructions  to  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal. 

B.  Letter  of  the  late  Sir  Gerald  Portal  on  Mission  Extension. 

C.  The  War  against  Unyoro. 

D.  Correspondence  relating  to  Tore  and  Uvuma. 


APPENDIX    A 

INSTR  UCTIONS  TO  THE  LA  TE  SIR  GERA LD  PORTA  L 
(See  Page  393.) 

(i)  The  following  were  the  instructions  delivered  to  Sir 
Gerald  Portal  :  — 

"Foreign  Office,  December  10th,  1892. 

"Sir, 

"  The  Imperial  British. East  Africa  Company  has  decided 
to  complete  the  evacuation  of  Uganda  by  March  31st.  With 
that  evacuation  Her  Majesty's  Government  have  determined  not 
further  to  interfere. 

"2.  They  have,  however,  resolved  to  despatch  you,  in  your 
capacity  as  Commissioner  for  the  British  sphere  of  influence  in 
East  Africa,  to  Uganda,  there,  after  investigation  on  the  spot,  to 
frame  a  report,  as  expeditiously  as  may  be,  on  the  best  means  of 
dealing  with  the  country,  whether  through  Zanzibar  or  other- 
wise. 

"3.  The  Company  have  offered  to  make  over  to  Her  Majesty's 
Government  their  establishments  and  stores  in  Uganda.  It  will 
be  for  you  to  judge  how  far  it  may  be  necessary  or  expedient  to 
avail  yourself  of  this  proposal. 

"  4.  It  will,  of  course,  be  your  first  duty  to  establish  friendly 
relations  with  King  Mwanga.  It  may  be  necessary  for  this 
purpose  to  give  him  presents,  and  even,  for  the  moment,  to  sub- 
sidise him,  but  you  will  make  no  definite  or  permanent  arrange- 
ment for  subsidy  without  reference  to  me. 

"5.  You  will  impress  upon  the  king  that  in  following  the  advice 
which  you  may  give  him  he  will  best  be  proving  the  sincerity  of 
the  assurances  given  by  him  and  his  chiefs  in  their  letter  to  the 
Queen  of  June  17th,  and  that  your  mission  cannot  fail  to  satisfy 
him  of  the  interest  which  is  taken  by  the  British  Government  in 
the  country. 

"  6.  The  other  points  on  which  you  should  dwell  in  your  com- 
munications with  the  king  and  chiefs  are  the  prevention  of  broils 
stirred  up  under  the  name  of  religion,  the  promotion  of  peace, 

4S5 


456        Instructions  to  Sir  Geratd  Portal 

the  encouragement  of  commerce,   the    security   of    missionary 
enterprise,  and  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade. 

"  7.  One  considerable  difficulty  is  inherent  in  the  situation.  The 
Company  has  of  late  concluded  a  great  number  of  treaties  with 
native  chiefs,  including  one  of  perpetual  friendship  with  Mwanga, 
which  last,  however,  has  not  been  ratified  by  the  Secretary  of 
State.  There  are  many  others  (eighty-three  in  all)  which  have 
been  so  approved.  Whether  an  approval  of  this  kind  can  be 
held  in  any  way,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  bind  Her  Majesty's 
Government  is  a  moot  point.  There  is  no  doubt  of  the  liability 
of  the  Company,  and  of  the  fact  that  the  Company,  having  con- 
cluded these  treaties,  finds  itself  compelled  to  evacuate  the 
country,  without  making  any  endeavour  to  implement  them.  It 
is  to  be  feared  that  this  proceeding  may  have  a  prejudicial  effect 
on  the  British  good  name  in  these  regions,  and  I  shall  be  an.xious 
to  have  your  report  on  this  point  with  as  little  delay  as  possible, 
as  well  as  on  the  course  to  adopt  with  reference  to  these  engage- 
ments. 

"8.  A  mission  to  Central  Africa  cannot  of  course  be  conducted 
according  to  ordinary  precedent ;  the  infrequency  and  difficulty 
of  communication  may  require  a  latitude  beyond  what  is  usual, 
and  in  entrusting  to  you  these  important  duties  Her  Majesty's 
Government  reckon  with  full  confidence  on  your  meeting  with 
firmness  and  caution  every  occasion  that  may  arise. 

"  9.  Her  Majesty's  Government  desire  that  your  expedition 
shall  be  fully  officered  and  equipped.  There  will  therefore  be 
attached  to  you  Mr.  Ernest  James  Lennox  Berkele}',  Colonel 
Rhodes,  Major  Owen,  Captain  Portal,  and  Lieutenant  Arthur. 
You  will  also  take  the  interpreters  and  guides  that  you  may  deem 
necessarj",  and  an  adequate  force  of  armed  natives. 

"  10.  It  will  be  your  duty  to  sign  a  commission  appointing  one 
of  the  above  officials  to  act  on  your  behalf  in  case  of  your  being 
incapacitated.  You  will  use  your  own  discretion  as  to  which  it 
shall  be. 

"II.  During  your  absence  on  this  mission  it  will  be  necessary 
to  supply  your  place  as  Consut-General  at  Zanzibar.  Her 
Majesty's  Government  will  lose  no  time  in  sending  there  a  suitable 
official  to  act  in  this  capacity.  Should,  however,  any  interval 
elapse  between  your  departure  and  his  arrival,  you  will  instruct 
Mr.  C.  S.  Smith  to  represent  the  Agency. 

"  I  am,  etc., 

{Signed)  "  RoSEBERY." 


APPENDIX    B 

LETTER   OF  THE  LATE  SIR  GERALD  PORTAL  ON 
MISSION  EXTENSION 

The  following  is  the  letter  referred  to  on  p.  399  : — 

Sir  G.  Portal  to  the  Earl  of  Rosebery. 

{^Received  June  2'jth.) 

"Kampala,  April  Zth,  1893. 

"My  Lord, 

"  In  continuation  of  my  immediately  preceding  despatch, 
I  have  the  honour  to  report  that,  on  the  conclusion  of  the 
agreement  respecting  the  territorial  and  political  divisions 
between  Catholics  and  Protestants  in  Uganda  itself,  I  submitted 
to  the  two  Bishops  the  expediency  of  arriving  at  some  under- 
standing as  to  mission  extension  in  the  future,  which  should  be  a 
safeguard  against  the  recurrence,  in  the  neighbouring  countries 
within  the  British  sphere,  of  the  lamentable  events  which  have 
cost  so  many  lives  and  been  such  a  reproach  to  Christianity  in 
Uganda  itself  Both  the  Bishops  at  once  admitted  that  some 
such  mutual  arrangement  was  greatly  to  be  desired,  but  each 
added  that  he  was  not  at  liberty  to  bind  himself  to  restrict  in  any 
way  his  sphere  of  religious  work  without  the  consent  of  the 
Vatican  on  the  one  side  and  of  the  committee  of  the  Church 
Missionary  Society  on  the  other. 

"  I  then  suggested  that  the  object  might  be  attained  if  they  could 
now  agree  upon  a  purely  temporary  arrangement,  and  that  there 
would  be  every  reason  to  hope  that,  if  such  a  modus  vivendi 
were  recommended  by  them  to  their  respective  authorities,  it 
might  be  allowed  to  remain  in  force  for  a  limited  time,  or  until 
the  dangerous  excitability  and  fanaticism  of  the  natives  had 
been  to  some  extent  calmed  by  Christian  teaching  and  by  the 
absence  of  rivalry  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood.  I  was 
careful  to  explain  that  I  wished  to  take  no  official  part  in  the 
discussion,  and  that,  if  any  agreement  could  be  come  to,  it  must 
be  simply  in  the  nature  of  an  understanding  between  the  heads 

457 


458  Letter  on  Mission  Extension 

of  the  mission  themselves.  Monseigneur  Hirth  then  suggested 
that  the  Church  Missionary  Society  should,  for  the  present  at  all 
events,  undertake  to  work  only  eastward  of  the  Nile,  and  towards 
the  Indian  Ocean,  leaving  all  the  north  and  west  to  the  Catholics. 
Bishop  Tucker  demurred  to  this,  and  it  soon  appeared  that  each 
mission  was  desirous  of  establishing  a  station  near  Mount 
Ruwenzori,  in  the  district  of  Toro.  As  the  people  of  this  region 
are  in  constant  communication  with  Uganda,  and  are  reported 
to  be  of  a  similarly  excitable  nature,  it  appeared  more  than 
probable  that  the  simultaneous  establishment  of  rival  missions 
there  would  be  the  precursor  of  fresh  troubles.  I  therefore  ex- 
plained that  should  these  plans  be  carried  into  execution,  and 
should  I  be  responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  Uganda, 
I  should  not  feel  bound  to  intervene  in  any  way  in  the  event  of 
riots  taking  place  in  Toro,  but  should  simply  take  precautions 
against  the  infection  spreading  into  Uganda,  and  against  any 
of  the  Waganda  going  to  aid  their  co-religionists,  so  that  the 
people  of  Toro  could  fight  the  matter  out  among  themselves. 

"  Eventually  Bishop  Tucker  undertook  not  to  send  any  mis- 
sionaries into  Toro  *  for  some  months  to  come,'  or  until  he 
could  receive  the  decision  of  the  committee  of  the  Church 
Missionary  Society  on  the  subject,  and  added  that  he  would 
devote  his  attention  and  his  energies  to  mission  extension  in 
Usoga  and  towards  the  east. 

"  Similarly  Monseigneur  Hirth  gave  us  to  understand  that  his 
mission  would  work  either  westwards  or  northwards  into  Unyoro, 
and  that  he  would  abstain  from  sending  any  one  into  Usoga  or 
any  country  to  the  east  of  the  Nile  or  of  the  Lake. 

"  No  record  was  kept  of  this  arrangement,  which  is  to  be 
looked  upon  as  being  only  a  private  and  verbal  understanding 
between  the  two  heads  of  the  missions,  with  Captain  Macdonald 
and  myself  as  passive  witnesses  to  the  transaction.  It  is,  more- 
over, clearly  understood  that  this  allotment  of  spheres  is  subject 
to  the  approval  of  the  Vatican  and  of  the  committee  of  the 
Church  Missionary  Society.  I  would,  however,  submit  to  your 
lordship  that  it  is  greatly  to  be  desired,  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
that  these  authorities  should,  if  possible,  be  induced  to  acquiesce 
in  the  conclusion  of  this  or  of  a  similar  arrangement  for  a 
definite  period  of  five  or  ten  years. 

"  I  have,  etc., 

"  G.  H.  Portal.' 


APPENDIX    C 

THE   WAR  AGAINST  UNYORO 

I  append  an  account  of  what  I  said  at  the  annual  meeting 
of  the  Aborigines  Protection  Society,  on  Wednesday  evening, 
May  23rd,  1894  : — 

"  Rev.  R.  P.  Ashe,  who  was  for  some  time  acting-secretary  of 
the  Church  Mission  in  Uganda,  after  expressing  his  satisfaction 
at  the  estabUshment  of  a  British  protectorate  over  Uganda,  and 
his  gratification  at  the  steady  advance  of  the  Enghsh  flag,  the 
symbol  at  once  of  political  and  religious  liberty,  advocated,  as  far 
as  possible,  the  substitution  of  peaceable  and  friendly  overtures 
to  native  chiefs  for  more  forcible  measures,  which  might  involve 
injustice  to  those  against  whom  they  were  put  in  operation.  He 
then  made  an  important  statement  regarding  the  war  in  Unyoro, 
against  King  Kabarega,  lately  undertaken  by  the  officers  sent 
out  by  the  Government.  Without  impugning  their  action,  or 
charging  them  with  making  an  unjust  war,  he  felt  that  the. 
information  already  made  public  failed  in  some  important  par- 
ticulars to  put  the  question  from  Kabarega's  point  of  view.  The 
cause  of  the  war,  so  far  as  it  had  been  made  public,  appears  to  ■ 
be  :  (i)  That  Kabarega  attacked  and  drove  out  of  Toro  the  chief 
Kasagama,  friendly  to  the  English  ;  (2)  that  he  sent  two  thousand 
guns  in  pursuit  to  the  frontier  of  Uganda  (whether  he  actually 
entered  Uganda  territory  we  are  not  informed)  ;  (3)  that  Major 
Owen  marched  out  and  attacked  the  Unyoro  fighting  men,  and 
defeated  them,  inflicting  upon  them  a  loss  of  sixty  killed,  and  losing 
two  of  his  own  soldiers  ;  (4)  that  the  English  Resident  then 
collected  an  armed  force  and  invaded  Unyoro,  and  deposed  the 
king,  Kabarega.  What  Kabarega  would  probably  say  is  as 
follows  : — 

"  '  (i)  In  1 89 1  an  European  (Captain  Lugard),  in  company  with 
the  people  of  Uganda,  brought  an  Unyoro  prince,  Kasagama,  a 
member  of  my  family,  and,  without  reference  to  me,  placed  him 
on  the  throne  of  Toro.  (2)  The  Europeans  built  forts  in  Toro, 
and  left  a  large  number  of  Nubian  soldiers,  who  made  this  the 

459 


460  War  against   Unyoro 

point  from  which  to  raid  and  ravage  my  country,  stating  that  they 
were  acting  under  the  orders  of  Kasagama  and  the  Europeans 

(3)  These  Nubians  eventually  retired  to  Uganda  (they  were  really 
withdrawn  by  the  humane  orders  of  the  English  Government). 

(4)  I  seized  the  opportunity  of  attacking  Kasagama,  who  had 
harboured  my  enemies.  (5)  I  pursued  him  to  Uganda,  where  my 
troops  were  attacked  by  the  Europeans  and  defeated.  (6) 
Mwanga,  King  of  Uganda,  is  my  overlord  and  suzerain.  I  had 
no  quarrel  with  him  ;  I  sent  him  messengers  with  tribute — ivory, 
spades,  and  salt ;  I  asked  him  to  send  envoys  to  tell  me  what 
the  Europeans  wanted  in  his  country.  (7)  Why,  then,  did  the 
people  of  Uganda  invade  my  territory  ?  (8)  Why  am  I  to  be 
deposed  from  my  kingdom  ?  '  " 

It  is  a  significant  fact  that,  though  there  were  a  large  number 
of  the  representatives  of  the  press  present,  not  one  newspaper 
ventured  to  quote  my  remarks  about  the  Unyoro  war,  which 
had  found  a  prominent  place  in  all  the  newspapers.  In 
referring  to  my  remarks,  they  dished  up  something  I  had  said 
or  written  about  something  else  the  previous  year. 


APPENDIX    D 


.    CORRESPONDENCE  RELATING   TO  TORO  AND 

UVUMA 

The  following  correspondence  relating  to  Uvuma  and  the 
atrocities  in  Toro  took  place  in  1893  : — 

"  Broadway  Chambers,  S.W.,  September  26tli,  1893. 

"My  Lord, 

"  I  have  the  honour,  by  direction  of  the  committee  of 
the  Aborigines  Protection  Society,  to  address  your  lordship  with 
reference  to  affairs  in  Uganda,  and  especially  to  the  matters 
dealt  with  in  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Robert  P.  Ashe,  dated  13th 
inst.,  of  which  a  copy  is  enclosed. 

"  Our  committee  is  aware  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  is 
not  responsible  for  any  measures  taken  under  the  direction  of  the 
Imperial  British  East  x\frica  Company,  and  that  your  lordship 
has  stated  that  no  decision  will  be  arrived  at  as  regards  future 


Toro  and  Uvuma  46 1 

arrangements  until  the  results  of  Sir  Gerald  Portal's  mission  to 
the  country  have  been  reported  and  duly  considered.  Our  com- 
mittee ventures,  however,  to  hope  that  your  lordship  will  cause 
such  inquiries  to  be  made  concerning  the  offences  alleged  by 
Mr.  Ashe  as  may  lead  to  the  prevention  of  similar  abuses. 

"  It  appears  that  a  large  number  of  the  Nubian  or  Soudanese 
troops  who  were  taken  into  the  service  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company  are  now  in  the  employment  of  the  Ad- 
ministration temporarily  established  by  Sir  Gerald  Portal,  and 
there  is  ground  for  fearing  that,  although  some  order  and 
discipline  may  have  been  introduced  among  them,  they  are  still 
a  most  undesirable  element  in  the  government  of  Uganda  and  its 
relations  with  neighbouring  countries. 

"It  appears,  also,  that  in  the  recent  attack  on  the  people  of 
Uvuma,  in  Victoria  Nyanza.  the  assistance  of  undisciplined 
native  auxiliaries  was  accepted,  and  that  these  native  auxiliaries 
were  allowed  to  capture  and  carry  away  into  slavery  many  of  the 
islanders. 

"  Without  offering  an  opinion  on  the  question  now  being 
considered  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  as  to  the  retention  or 
abandonment  of  Uganda,  our  committee  ventures  very  earnestly 
to  appeal  to  your  lordship  against  the  employment,  under  any 
conditions,  of  undisciplined  natives  and  mercenary  hordes  from 
other  parts  of  Africa  in  warlike  operations  against  the  inhabitants 
of  districts  within  the  sphere  of  British  influence.  It  is  respect- 
fully submitted  that  such  action  cannot  fail  to  be  attended  by 
much  cruelty  and  grave  dangers. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  my  Lord, 

"  Your  lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"H.  R.  Fox  Bourne. 

"  The  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Rosebery,  K.G.,  etc., 
Foreign  Office." 

{Enclosure^ 

Here  is  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  secretarj'  of  the  Aborigines 
Protection  Society  : — 

"  Wareham,  Dorset,  September  i3//t,  1893. 

"Sir, 

"  There  are  two  matters  of  great  importance  to  the  welfare 
of  the  natives  of  the  countries  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Uganda, 
and  of  Uganda  itself,  which  I  feel  ought  to  be  brought  before  the 
notice  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  and  I  feel  that  the  Aborigines 


462  Toro  and  Uvunia 

Protection  Society  may  be  able  powerfully  to  espouse  the  cause 
of  those  for  whom  I  would  plead. 

"  I.  The  first  matter,  then,  which  I  would  state  has  reference 
to  (i)  the  erection  in  the  year  1891  in  Toro,  and  on  the  borders 
of  Unyoro  of  a  number  of  forts  by  the  officer  representing  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company;  (2)  the  establishment  there 
of  a  large  number  of  licentious  Nubian  soldiers  and  others,  the 
off-scourings  of  Emin  Pasha's  rebellioub  troops.  Certain  allega- 
tions have  been  made  to  me  by  persons  on  whose  words  I  place  the 
strongest  reliance  with  reference  to  these  Nubians:  (i)  that  these 
men  give  out,  as  a  reason  for  their  acts,  that  they  have  received 
carte  blanche  from  the  British  to  raid  and  ravage  in  Unyoro, 
with  whose  king,  Kabarega,  the  British  are  said  to  have  a 
quarrel ;  (ii)  that  these  Nubians  are  guilty  of  the  most  horrible 
outrages,  not  only  on  the  people  of  Unyoro,  but  on  those  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  British  forts  in  Toro.  These 
outrages  include  :  {a)  violation  of  women  ;  (3)  the  subjection  of 
women  to  the  most  frightful,  horrible,  and  indecent  treatment,  in 
many  cases  resulting  in  death  ;  [c]  the  seizure  of  slaves  ;  {d')  the 
forcible  circumcision  of  boys ;  {e)  religious  persecution. 

"These  matters  were  brought  by  me  and  my  missionary  col- 
leagues in  Uganda  before  the  notice  of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company's  '  Resident,'  and  a  most  searching  inquiry 
was  promised.  Whether  this  inquiry  has  ever  been  made,  or  if 
it  has  been  made,  how  it  was  conducted,  and  with  what  result, 
I  have  not  yet  heard.  This  matter  w^as  laid  before  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company's  representative  in  December  last. 

"II.  The  second  matter  is  the  attack,  which  I  consider  quite 
unjustifiable,  made  early  this  year  by  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company  upon  the  people  of  the  islands  of  Uvuma  in  the 
Victoria  Nyanza.  The  attack  was  made  in  conjunction  with 
undisciplined  native  auxiliaries  (and  this  is  a  point  which  I  wish 
particularly  to  emphasise,  as  it  is  a  common  practice  in  these 
days).  The  result  was  the  shooting  down  of  numbers  of  brave 
and,  as  I  maintain,  unoffending  people,  at  a  long  range  with 
Maxim  guns,  and  subsequently  the  seizure  by  the  native 
auxiliaries  of  a  large  number  of  slaves — not  the  sixty  or  hundred 
distributed  by  the  leader  of  the  expedition  (at  their  own  request  ? ) 
among  his  followers,  but  those  who  were  carried  off  by  the  native 
auxiliaries  on  their  own  private  account.  As  far  as  I  understand, 
the  alleged  grounds  for  the  attack  were  as  follows  : — 

"  (i)  To  gain  a  safe  passage  for  the  Company's  boat  or  boats  to 


Toro  and  Uvuma  463 

Kavirondo  via  Uvuma  waters.  (2)  It  was  alleged  that  the  people 
of  Uvuma  had  collected,  early  in  1892,  a  large  force  of  canoes 
to  make  a  hostile  demonstration  against  Uganda,  and  that  the 
expedition  was  to  punish  them  for  this.  (3)  It  was  alleged  that 
certain  outrages  had  been  committed  by  the  people  of  Uvuma  on 
some  Uganda  gardens  or  '  shambas,'  one  or  two  people  having 
been  killed. 

"In  answer  to  these:  (i)  There  was  no  contention  on  the 
part  of  the  Company  that  any  boat  or  boats  carrying  the  Com- 
pany's flag  have  ever  been  stopped  ;  Uganda  boats  constantly 
made  the  journey  to  the  Nile  without  any  hindrance.  (2)  The 
warlike  demonstration  alluded  to  had  been  ordered  by  the  King 
of  Uganda,  the  ally  of  the  Company,  since  the  Bavuma  were  his 
warm  allies,  having  helped  him  against  the  Muharamedans.  On 
the  king's  flight  the  canoes  quietly  dispersed.  (3)  The  shamba 
or  garden  outrages,  serious  as  they  seem  to  us,  were  nevertheless 
trifling  every-day  matters,  comparatively  speaking,  and  consider- 
ing the  normal  state  of  '  native '  countries.  Far  more  serious 
outrages,  and  outrages  on  a  much  larger  scale,  were  being  daily 
perpetrated  by  the  Muhammedans  in  Uganda  itself,  and  yet  the 
Company  never  attempted  any  warlike  measure  against  them. 
Moreover,  at  the  very  time  that  the  expedition  was  decided  upon, 
the  people  of  Uvuma  were  living  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
people  of  Uganda,  and  coming  to  buy  and  sell  at  the  weekly  or 
bi-weekly  markets.  Hence,  unless  the  Company  can  show  much 
stronger  reason  for  their  hostile  attack  than  the  reasons  alleged 
above,  in  my  opinion  it  has  been  guilty  of  a  very  grave  and 
serious  wrong  towards  a  brave  and  independent  people,  and  has 
been,  although  unintentionally,  the  means  of  many  of  them  being 
dragged  into  miserable  slavery.  So  important  and  so  momentous 
do  I  consider  these  matters,  that  I  earnestly  ask  for  your  help 
and  support  in  procuring  that  the  natives  be  protected  against 
the  repetition  of  such  suffering  inflicted  upon  them  in  the  name 
of  civilisation  under  the  aegis  of  England. 

"  I  need  not  say  that  when  in  Uganda  I  protested  against  this 
expedition  above  referred  to,  as  did  also  Bishop  Tucker  (who, 
having  only  just  arrived,  was  unable  to  controvert  the  reasons 
given  above),  but  with  no  success. 

"  Believe  me,  yours  faithfully, 

"Robert  P.  Ashe, 

"  For  some  lime  Acting-Secretary  of  the  Church  Missionary 
"  Society  in  Uganda.'' 


464  Toro  and  Uvuma 

"Foreign  Office,  October  ^th,  1893. 

"  Sir, 

"I  am  directed  by  the  Earl  of  Rosebery  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  26th  ult.,  in  regard  to  the 
employment  of  undisciplined  native  troops  against  the  inhabitants 
of  districts  under  British  influence  in  East  Africa. 

"  In  reply  I  am  to  state  that  measures  have  already  been  taken 
to  avert  danger  from  this  source.  Four  carefully  selected  English 
officers,  speaking  Arabic,  have  been  sent  out  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  command  of  the  Soudanese  troops  in  Uganda,  and  Lord 
Rosebery  has  no  doubt  that  their  presence  will  secure  the  re- 
quisite discipline  and  control. 

"  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

"P.    W.    CURRIE. 
"  The  Secretary,  Aborigines'  Protection  Society." 


INDEX 


Alberto,  an  Uganda  chief,  journeys 
with  Ashe  to  Zanzibar,  420  ;  has 
interview  with  and  receives  a 
present  from  the  Sultan  of  Zan- 
zibar, 451  ;  his  portrait,  447. 

Apolo  Kagwa,  the  Katikiro,  at- 
tacked with  a  spear  by  Mwanga, 
81  ;  denounces  the  abominations 
practised  by  Mwanga,  94 ;  op- 
poses a  proposal  to  ir.urder 
Mwanga,  102  ;  on  Kiwewa's  ac- 
cession he  is  appointed  to  be 
the  Mukwenda,  112;  his  portrait, 
137;  attacks  the  Muhammedans 
twice  with  success,  137,  138  ;  is 
defeated  once  and  wounded  by 
the  Muhammedans,  139;  his 
victory  over  the  Muhammedans 
at  Bulwanyi,  143 ;  with  Lugard 
he  defeats  the  Muhammedans  at 
the  battle  of  Kanagala,  177,  178; 
is  appointed  leader  of  the  English 
forces  against  the  Muhammedans, 
174;  defers  judgment  about  a 
stolen  gun,  215  ;  welcomes 
Mwanga  on  his  return,  312 ; 
listens  to  Ashe's  reasoning  on 
behalf  of  Sekkibobo,  348,  351. 

Arabs,  317-319;  hostile  to  the 
missionaries,  they  set  Mwanga 
against  them,  68-70. 

Arthur,  Captain,  recalled  from 
Busoga  by  Macdonald,  403  ;  left 
in  charge  at  Kampala,  406. 

Ashe,  Rev.  R.  P.,  starts  for  Uganda, 
4;  meets  Captain  Stairs  on  the 
Madura,  6  ;  is  annoyed  by  flies, 
28-31 ;  visits  Mackay's  grave, 
34 ;  is  received  by  Captain  Lang- 


465 


held  at  Bukoba,  49 ;  proposal  of 
the  native  chiefs  to  murder  him 
78;  unwilling  to  ''chat  over' 
political  matters  at  Kampala,  267, 
278;  received  by  Walker  at 
Masaka,  261,  262 ;  disturbed  by 
a  leopard  and  the  goats,  272, 
273 ;  unsatisfactory  interview 
with  Lugard,  277,  278 ;  pleads 
with  Apolo  Kagwa  for  Nikodemo, 
347,  348,  351;  receives  Mr. 
Smith's  letter  about  the  inci- 
dent at  Wakoli,  358 ;  accom- 
panies Dr.  Macpherson  to  Kavi- 
rondo,  361,  362;  reaches  Mengo, 
368;  interprets  Captain  Mac- 
donald to  Mwanga,  374-376  ; 
sends  in  his  resignation,  377  ; 
reads  the  Burial  Service  over 
Bishop  Hannington's  bones,  379  ; 
tries  to  prevent  the  attack  on  the 
people  of  Uvuma,  389;  leaves 
Mengo  with  Nickisson  for  Zanzi- 
bar, 415,  416  ;  crosses  a  river  on 
a  raft,  423 ;  crosses  a  swift 
stream  by  a  rope,  425-428  ; 
nursed  by  Timoteo  Kaima,  431  ; 
meets  Stokes  and  Muxvvorthy 
at  Usongo,  432 ;  relieves  two 
natives,  440,  441 ;  entertained  at 
Mpwapwa  by  Rev.  J.  C.  Price, 
442,  443  ;  portrait  of  Ashe  and 
his  party,  451  ;  is  entertained  at 
Zanzibar  by  Sir  Lloyd  Mathews, 
449,  450 ;  interview  with  the 
Sultan  of  Zanzibar,  451  ;  speech 
at  the  annual  meeting  of  the 
Aborigines'  Protection  Society 
ignored,  459,  460  ;  writes,  to  the 

30 


466 


Index 


Aborigines'  Protection  Society 
about  the  unjustifiable  attack  on 
the  people  of  Uvuma,  461-463  ; 
bicycle,  13,  14,  25,  31,  34,  43-47, 
254,  267. 

Bagge,  an  officer  of  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company, 
205;  reaches  Uganda,  166;  ad- 
vised by  Kiihne  to  return  for 
safety  to  Bukoba,  284,  286 ;  with 
Captain  Williams,  361. 

Baskerville,  Mr.,  198 ;  missionary  of 
the  Church  Missionary  Society, 
206. 

Beelzebub,  30. 

Bikweamba,  Yafeti,  Katikiro  of 
Kasagama,  of  Toro,  182. 

Bukoba,  Ashe  reaches,  49 ;  leaves, 
50,  416 ;  boxes  left  at  Bukoba 
looted  hy  the  French  faction, 
255  ;  Bagge  reaches  Bukoba, 
and  finds  Kuhne  there,  285 ; 
compensation  demanded  for 
caravan  looted  at  Bukoba,  387- 
390 ;  Captain  Williams  sent  to 
Bukoba  to  secure  Mwanga's 
nephews,  292,  293. 

Budo,  a  demi-god,  96,  97. 

Budu,  97,  136,  162,  188,  303. 

Bulamezi,  113,  154. 

Bulinguge  attacked  by  Captain 
Williams,  248 ;  Captain  Lugard 
justified  in  the  attack  on,  240 ; 
Bishop  Hirth's  account  of  the 
affair,  252-254  ;  Bulinguge  Island 
described,  139. 

Buxton,  Sir  Fowell,  a  director  of 
the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Compan}',  7. 

Bwana  Heri,  affords  a  safe  passage 
to  Muxworthy's  friends,  433; 
how  Muxworthy  saved  his  slave 
dhow,  434. 

Chagwe,  90,  246,  347. 
Church  Missionary  Society,  accept 
.  Ashe's  offer  to  return  as  their 
agent  to  Uganda,  4 ;  station  at 
Mamboya,  21 ;  abandoned  station 
at  Usambiro,  39 ;  in  consequence 
of  Stanley's  letter  they  under- 
take the  mission  to  Uganda,  56; 
action  with  regard  to  compensa- 


tion from  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  277. 

Church  Missionary  Society's  Com- 
mittee failed  to  appreciate 
Mackay  and  his  labours,  35 ; 
answered  the  Times  Corres- 
pondent, 376  (footnote) ;  approve 
of  the  conduct  of  Lugard  and 
the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Compan}',  377 ;  letter  forces 
Ashe  to  resign,  378. 

Collins,  Mr.  Walter,  206  ;  formerly 
a  Wesleyan  preacher,  starts  with 
Ashe  for  Uganda,  4. 

Deekes,  D.,  nurses  Mackay  at 
Usambiro,  32,  143 ;  welcomes 
Ashe  at  Mambo3'a,  444. 

De  Winton,  is  placed  over  the 
troops  enlisted  with  Selim  Bey, 
187 ;  invited  by  the  Muham- 
medans  to  their  camp,  324 ;  dies 
on  the  way,  324 ;  is  buried  on 
Namirembe  Hill,  379. 

Dualla,  Lugard's  Somali  interpreter, 
218;  remonstrates  with  Mwanga's 
decisions,  219;  his  interview 
with  Mwanga,  220,  221. 

Edgar,  a  Freretown  mission  boy,  re- 
turns to  the  coast  with  Ashe, 
420,  426,  430,  431,  438;  his  por- 
trait, T,T,^,  425. 

Elephants,  273. 

Embogo,  uncle  of  Kalema  and 
Mwanga,  a  Muhammedan  reader, 
171;  Muhammedans  requested 
by  Lugard  to  give  him  up,  175; 
their  refusal,  177  ;  Muhammedan 
hopes  of  his  becoming  king,  320, 
321 ;  Lugard's  threat  to  enthrone 
him,  309,  320,  322  ;  Lugard's 
interview  with  him,  322 ;  Mu- 
hammedan plot  to  make  him  king, 
401  ;  Embogo  sent  to  the  coast 
as  a  prisoner,  407. 

Emin  Pasha,  his  opinion  of  Mukasa, 
134;  and  of  Kabarega,  383. 

Endunii,  the  first  stage  of  the 
journey  to  Uganda,  10,  13. 

English  Missionaries,  names  of,  1 14, 
206 ;  send  a  protest  to  Captain 
Williams,  196;  influence  with 
the  Protestants,  302. 


Index 


467 


Enkore,  122,  183. 

Entare,  the  king,  122,  183. 

Entebe,  or  Fort  Alice,    103  ;  Selim 

Bey's   letter  from    Entebe,  402 ; 

Captain  Macdonald  goes  there. to 

deal  with  Selim  Bey,  407  ;  Ashe 

leaves  it,  416. 

Fadl  Maula  Bey,  an  opponent  of 
Selim  Bey,  186. 

Forster,  Mr.,  had  seen  military 
service  in  Africa,  403. 

French  Government,  the,  interest 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  missions 
in  Uganda,  150;  they  hold  the 
English  Government  responsible 
for  the  actions  of  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company, 
241,  242. 

French  Party,  Mwanga's  sudden 
hostility  to,  200,  20I,  305  ;  hopes, 
to  acquire  Uganda,  203 ;  build  a 
fort,  205;  their  desires  and  hopes, 
209,  210;  give  notice  of  an 
attack  on  Kampala,  224. 

French  priests,  their  names,  114; 
they  considered  Bishop  Hanning- 
ton's  arrival  in  Uganda  unad- 
visable,  73  ;  attitude,  156  ;  policj-, 
158;  desire  of  "a  fair  Catholic 
kingdom  by  the  Nyanza,"  158; 
are  opposed  to  English  political 
influence  in  Uganda,  193  ;  pro- 
posal about  the  chieftains  who 
change  sides,  195,  198;  their 
preponderance  due  to  their  pos- 
session of  Mwanga,  199;  cleverly 
ask  Lugard  for  a  guard,  226. 

Freretown,  native  converts  for- 
bidden to  wear  trowsers,  8  ;  resi- 
dence of  Bishop  Hannington,  71. 

Gaudibert,  Pere,  a  French  mission- 
ary, 251 ;  Ashe's  farewell  to,  415. 

Gedge,  Mr.,  an  officer  of  the  Im- 
perial British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany, hurries  back  to  Uganda 
with  Mr.  Jackson,  after  Peters' 
visit,  145 ;  left  in  Uganda  by 
Jackson,  146. 

Gordon,  General,  never  in  Uganda. 
His  opinion  on  the  Uganda 
mission,  159. 

Gordon,    Rev.    E.    Cyiil,    Church 


Missionary  Society  missionary, 
114;  on  his  way  home  meets 
Ashe  at  Mamboya,  21  ;  starts  for 
Uganda  as  Mackay's  substitute, 
86 ;  Mwanga  thinks  of  killing 
him,  87  ;  his  interview  with 
Mwanga,  87-89,  153;  his  letters 
in  the  Intelligencer,  94  ;  welcomed 
by  Mackay  at  Usambiro,  1 18; 
advises  the  Protestants  to  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Mwanga,  124, 
131  ;  leaves  Usambiro,  136;  had 
gone  with  Smith  to  open  a 
mission  at  Usoga,  165. 

Grant,  Mr.,  an  officer  of  the  Im- 
perial British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany, 206 ;  at  Wakoli's,  362 ;  in 
charge  at  Kampala,  391. 

Greaves,  Rev.  G.,  leaves  a  Birming- 
ham curacy  for  Uganda  with 
Ashe,  4 ;  has  dysentery,  11;  js 
taken  back  to  Zanzibar  and  dies, 
12;  news  of  his  death,  21. 

Guillermain,  Pere,  a  French  mis- 
sionary, 255,  288. 

Hannington,  Bishop,  understands 
in  Africa  the  meaning  of  '•  Beel- 
zebub," 30;  visited  Nyanza  in 
1882,  and  returned  as  Bishop,  71  ; 
tries  Thompson's  route  to  Uganda 
instead  of  the  Unyamwezi  route^ 

71  ;  letters  warning  him  against 
entering  Uganda  arrive  too  late, 

72  ;  is  seized  and  imprisoned  by 
Luba,  73  ;  and  on  Mwanga's 
advice  is  murdered,  73  ;  extracts 
from  diary,  74-76;  is  murdered, 
77 ;  his  murder  counselled  by 
Mujasi,  120;  Mwanga  fears  the 
consequences  of  his  murder,  85, 
311-374;  his  bones  buried  at 
Mumias,  exhumed  and  buried  on 
Namirembe  Hill.  378. 

Hippopatamus,  danger  to  Walker's 
boat,  118;  shot  by  Nickisson,  419. 

Hirth,  Monseigneur,  French  bishop, 
a  German  by  nationality,  206 ; 
in  opposition  to  Lugard,  164; 
declares  the  deprivation  of  a 
chief  because  of  a  change  of 
creed  or  politics  to  be  persecu- 
tion, 196  ;  Lugard's  letter  to  him, 
221  ;  his  description  of  the  situa- 


468 


Index 


tion  at  Rubaga  during  tbe  battle 
of  Mengo,  223,  224 ;  his  view 
of  the  negotiations  held  with 
Mwanga,  239,  240 ;  advises 
Mwanga  not  to  return,  241 ;  his 
views  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  241  ;  his 
description  of  the  attack  on 
Bulinguge  in  the  Tablet,  249, 
250 ;    with    Mwanga    on    Lake 

■  Nj'anza,  252 ;  his  flight  with 
Mwanga,  252-254  ;  at  Sesse  with 
Kiihne,  284,  293 ;  his  letter  in 
the  Tablet,  284;  slanders  the 
Protestants,  302 ,  does  not  at- 
tempt to  prevent  the  attack  on 
Uviima,  371;  induced  by  Sir 
Gerald  Portal  to  adopt  terri- 
torial divisions  for  his  missionary 
operations.  397,  457. 

Hubbard,  E.  H.,  a  student  of  the 
Church  Missionary  Society  Col- 
lege at  Islington,  starts  with 
Ashe  for  Uganda,  4  ;  his  portrait, 
42 ;  accompanies  Greaves  to 
Zanzibar,  12;  stationed  at  Nassa, 
40,  416. 

Hutchinson,  Rev.  E.,  one  of  the 
directors  of  the  Church  Mis- 
sionary Society  to  Uganda,  56. 

Ikungu,  439,  440. 

Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  or  the  I.  B.  E.  A. 
Companj',  headquarters  at  Mom- 
basa, 7 ;  Sirs  W.  Mackinnon 
and  Fowell  Buxton,  directors,  7  ', 
formed  in  1888,  90;  Mr.  Jackson 
sends  a  flag  as  a  guarantee  of 
their  assistance,  141 ;  Captain 
Lugard  sent  by  them  to  occupy 
Uganda,  149;  their  instructions 
to  him,.  149-151  ;  the  French 
priests  decline  to  recognise  their 
flag  as  that  of  the  English  nation, 
156;  the  Protestants  carry  the 
Company's  flag  which  the  Roman 
Catholics  reject,  176  ;  Selim  Bey 
joins  them,  l83  ;  intention  to 
fine  Luba  for  the  murder  of 
Hannington,  165  ;  opposition  of 
the  French  priests,  194;  Sir 
Gerald  Portal's  estimate  of  their 
influence,    193,    241  ;    a    breach 


between  the  English  missionaries 
and  the  representatives  as  to 
dealing  with  the  chiefs  who 
change  their  creed,  196;  names 
of  the  officers,  206;  the  directors 
order  Lugard  to  withdraw  from 
Uganda,  206;  missionaries  on 
both  sides  ignored  by  their  repre- 
sentati%'es,  207  ;  their  fate  de- 
pends on  the  battle  of  Mengo 
against  the  French  faction,  224 ; 
fort  at  Kampala,  228;  the  Con- 
pany's  flag  floats  over  Mengo, 
232 ;  humiliating  treatment  by 
the  English  Government,  242 ; 
hostile  and  prejudiced  witnesses 
against,  257,  258;  receive;^! 6,000 
from  the  friends  of  missions, 
277  (footnote)  ;  stockade  at 
Wakoli's,  357  ;  Mwanga's  awk- 
ward questions  about  their  status, 
375  ;  insolent  behaviour  of  the 
Company's  soldiers  and  servants, 
379,  380;  demand  of  ivory  from 
Kabarega.  385  ;  determined  to 
smash  Uvuma,  388  ;  the  last  act 
in  Uganda,  390 ;  emploj'ment 
b}' them  of  Sudanese  and  undis- 
ciplined soldiers  in  Uganda,  461- 
463  ;  attack  the  island  of  Uvuma, 
462. 

Jackson,  Mr.,  sends  messages  to 
Bulinguge  Island,  has  orders 
not  to  enter  Uganda,  belongs  to 
the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  invited  to  assist 
Mwanga,  140;  sends  to  Mwanga 
a  flag  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company's,  14 1  ; 
lairries  back  to  Uganda  with 
Gedge  after  Peters'  visit,  145  ; 
leaves  with  two  chiefs  for  the 
coast  to  find  out  the  intentions  of 
the  European  powers  with  regard 
to  the  protectorate  of  Uganda, 
146. 

Juma,  the  principal  man  of  the 
Muhammedans,  tries  to  win  over 
the  Sudanese  troops,  399 ; 
seized  as  a  hostage  by  Captain 
Macdonald,  404 ;  sent  as  a 
prisoner  to  the  coast,  but  effects 
his  escape,  407. 


Index 


469 


Kabarega,  King  of  Unyoro,  assists 
Kaleir.a,  144 ;  Lugard  threatens 
to  make  an  alliance  with  hiro, 
154;  his  character  and  policy, 
174;  allies  himself  with  the 
Muhammedans,  174;  receives  a 
defeat  from  the  Sudanese  troops, 
323,  324 ;  relations  between 
Kabarega  and  Uganda,  383,  384; 
his  fine,  382 ;  Emin  Pasha's 
favourable  account  of  him,  383; 
his  view  of  the  events,  and  war 
in  Unj-oro,  459,  460  ;  his  country 
the  scene  of  cruelties  caused 
by  Sudanese  and  undisciplined 
troops.  461,  462. 

Kagera  River,  the  boundary  be- 
tween the  English  and  the  Ger- 
man spheres,  50,  107,  262,  301  ; 
Bishop  Hirth's  flight  to  the 
Kagera,  261. 

Kaidzi,  Jonathan,  false  alarms 
about  his   brother's   death,  333, 

334- 
Kaima,  Timoteo,  accompanies 
Walker,  261 ;  left  with  Ashe, 
340,  368,  420;  stung  by  a 
scorpion,  421,  422  ;  nurses  Ashe, 
431  ;  discovers  two  unfortunate 
persons  who  have  lagged  behind 
a  caravan,  439,  441;    his  portrait, 

447- 

Kakonge,  Ashe's  cowman,  shot  in 
the  arm,  365 ;  attacked  with 
dysentery,  366  ;  his  farewell  of 
Ashe,  420. 

Kalema,  Mvvanga's brother,  brought 
to  the  throne  by  the  Muham- 
medans on  Kiwewa's  deposition, 
121  ;  puts  his  brother  Kiwewa 
to  death,  126;  attacks  Mwanga, 
132  ;  assisted  against  the  Chris- 
tians by  Kabarega,  144. 

Kampala,  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company's  fort,  its  situa- 
tion, 228  ;  an  anxious  night,  154; 
intended  attack  by  the  French 
faction,  224  ;  an  offer  of  a  shelter 
for  missionaries,  226  ;  reception 
of  Muhammedan  messengers  by 
Lugard,  321,  322;  fever  in  the 
fort,  352;  rude  conduct  of  the 
Sudanese  guards  stationed  at 
Kampala,   380. 


Kamswagn,  King  of  Koki,  136,  202> 
209,  286. 

Kanagala,  the  battle  of,  between  the 
Christians  and  the  Muham- 
medans, 177,  178. 

Kangao,  Chief  of  Bulemezi,  112, 
117,  154,  262,  308. 

Kangiri,  Jimmy,  accompanies 
Walker,  261 ;  and  Ashe,  420-431 
his  portrait,  448. 

Kasagama,  King  of  Toro,  182,  183, 
184,  326, 

Katonga  river,  276,  305. 

Kidza,  a  martyr,  81. 

Kilimo,  little  boy  at  Mazengo's,  14, 
15,  444. 

Kituka  demised,  96. 

Kitakule,  Rev.  Henry,  Hannington's 
favourite  boy,  preaches  at  the 
opening  of  the  Protestant  Church 
344 ;  author  of  an  unfortunate 
letter  to  Captain  Lugard,  344 ; 
his  portrait,  137. 

Kiwewa,  the,  Mwanga's  eldest 
brother,  in  spite  of  precedent, 
succeeds  as  king,  104;  official 
appointment  by  eating  Buganda, 
III,  112;  liberal  promises,  II4; 
is  alarmed  by  the  Arabs,  116; 
refuses  to  be  circumcised,  1 19; 
afterwards  consents,  I20 ;  kills 
Mujasi  with  his  own  hand,  121  ; 
is  made  a  prisoner,  121  ;  put  to 
death  by  Kalema,  126. 

Kiziba,  other  side  of  Kagera  river, 

51- 

Koki,  136,  202,  247,  286,  306. 

Kuhne,  Sergeant-Major,  second  in 
command  to  Captain  Langheld 
at  Bukoba,  48  ;  sent  by  him  with 
Mr.  Bagge  to  see  the  represen- 
tative of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  281  ; 
effects  the  rescue  of  Mwanga 
and  Monseigneur  Hirtb,  advises 
Bagge  to  return  for  safety  to 
Bukoba,  284,  285;  at  Bukoba, 
286 ;  receiving  a  forged  letter 
hands  over  to  the  French  faction 
the  Church  Missionary  Society 
caravan,  left  at  Bukoba  by  Ashe, 
289-291 ;  thwarts  the  removal 
of  the  Uganda  princes,  295. 

Kj'ambalango,  Pokino,  97. 


470 


Index 


I^angheld,  Captain,  the  German 
officer  at  Bukoba,  48,  49 ;  ac- 
companies Ashe  from  Bukoba, 
50 ;  sends  Sergeant-Major  Kuhne 
with  Mr.  Bagge  to  see  the  repre- 

,  tentative  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  281  ; 
avvaj'  from  Bukoba,  291. 

Leakey,     an    English    Missionary, 

403- 

Leopards,  272,  331,  334,  444. 

Lions,  441,  445,  446. 

Livinhac,  Monseigneur,  a  French 
missionary,  1 14 ;  letter  to 
Mackay  about  Mvvanga's  return, 
124,  125;  his  account  of  the 
arms  imported  into  Uganda, 
203-205. 

Lourdel,  Pere,  a  French  missionary, 
114,  396  (footnote);  writes  to 
Jackson  in  Mwanga's  name,  140  ; 
his  over  zeal,  208. 

Luba,  at  Mwanga's  instance,  im- 
prisons and  murders  Hanning- 
ton,  73 ;  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company  determine  to  fine 
him  for  Hannington's  murder, 
165. 

Lubareism,  the  heathen  religion  of 
Uganda,  95-7. 

Lugard,  Captain,  sent  out  by  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company  to  occupy  Uganda  for 
them,  149  ;  instructions,  149-151; 
enters  Uganda,  152;  first  inter- 
view with  Mwanga,  152,  153  ; 
attitude  to  all  parties,  153; 
threatens  to  make  an  alliance 
with  Kabarega,  154;  anxious 
Christmas,  154,  155;  attitude  of 
the  French  priests  towards,  156  ; 
assisted  by  Captain  Williams, 
156;  ignorance  of  the  real  feel- 
ing of  the  English  and  Protestant 
party,  157  ;  attitude,  policy,  and 
expediency,  160;  decree  as  to 
the  turn-coat  chiefs,  162,  163; 
view  of  the  claims  of  missionaries 
to  interfere  in  politics,  164,  165, 
167,  181,  277,  457  ;  proposals  to 
the  Muhammedans,  175 ;  pro- 
posals to  the  two  factions  about 
the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company's   flag,    176;    marches 


from  Uganda  to  Selim  Be}-,  182  ; 
proposes  that  Selim  Bey  should 
enlist  in  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company's  service, 
186;  re-enters  Uganda,  188; 
ordered  to  withdraw  from 
Uganda  by  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  206 ;  is 
unable  to  establish  a  modus 
Vivendi  for  the  missionaries,  207  ; 
his  assurances  of  neutrality,  212  ; 
his  letter  to  Bishop  Hirth,  221  ; 
secretly  arms  the  Protestant 
party,  223  ;  receives  notice  of  a 
French  attack  on  Kampala,  224  ; 
the  French  priests  cleverly  ask 
him  for  a  guard,  226 ;  attempts 
no  pursuit  after  the  battle  of 
Mengo,  232 ;  Bishop  Hirth 
promises  him  to  influence 
Mwanga  to  return,  238,  241  ; 
fails  to  warn  or  help  Walker 
during  the  war,  267,  268,  274 ; 
unsatisfactory  interview  and 
relations  with  Ashe,  277  ;  indif- 
ference to  the  Protestant  chiefs, 
301  ;  welcomes  Mwanga  on  his 
return  to  Mengo,  312;  proposes 
to  accept  Embogo  as  king,  309, 
320;  he  accepts  Mwanga  as 
king,  321  ;  receives  the  Muham- 
medan  envoys,  322 ;  interview 
with  Embogo,  325  ;  introduces 
the  Muhammedans  into  Uganda, 
326 ;  departs  for   England,  340. 

Macdonald,  Captain,  of  the  Railway 
Survey,  reaches  Mengo,  336  ;  re- 
enters Uganda  to  inquire  about 
the  cause  of  the  outbreak  of 
fighting,  373  ;  interview  with 
Mwanga,  375 ;  Mwanga's  awk- 
ward question  about  the  status 
of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company,  375,  376  ;  helps 
Captain  Williams  against  the 
people  of  Uvuma,  not  as  a 
Government  Commissioner  but 
as  a  friend,  391  ;  is  left  by 
Sir  G.  Portal  as  represen- 
tative of  the  administration  in 
Uganda,  397  ;  has  to  settle  who 
are  the  governors  of  Uganda,  403  ; 
tests  the  loyalty  of  the  Sudanese 


Index 


471 


troops  to  the  Government,  and 
disarms  them,  404,  405  ;  secures 
hostages  from  Enibogo,  404 ; 
arms  the  Protestants,  406  ;  goes 
to  Entebe  to  deal  with  Selim 
Bey,  416. 
Mackay,  news  of  his  death  in  1890, 
3  ;  his  grave  at  the  abandoned 
Church  Missionary  Society 
station  at  Usambiro,  34;  estimate 
of  his  work  and  character,  34; 
appreciated  by  Mr.  Eugene  Stock 
and  notbythe  Church  Missionary 
Society  Committee,  35  ;  attended 
by  Deekes  in  his  last  illness,  32  ; 
one  of  the  first  missionaries  sent 
out  to  Uganda,  56 ;  carried  back 
to  the  coast  from  Ugogo,  56 ; 
visits  Lukonge,  crosses  the 
Nyanza  and  thus  reaches  Uganda 
60 ;  is  heard  gladly  by  Mutesa, 
63 ;  personal  outrage  on  him  by 
the  Arabs,  69  ;  informs  Mwanga 
of  Hannington's  visit,  72  ;  retires 
from  Uganda,  86  ;  welcomes  Gor- 
don and  Walker  at  Usambiro, 
118;  advises  Mwanga  to  stay 
where  he  is,  and  writes  to 
Monseigneur  l.ivinhac  that  he 
will  have  nothing  to  do  with 
Mwanga,  124;  his  fears  about 
the  restoration  of  Mwanga,  131 
(footnote) ;  Mwanga 's  letter,  135  ; 
his  death,  143;  Mutesa's  opinion 
of  him,  143. 

Mackay,  the  Christian  name  of  an 
African  surnamed  Serhbera,  225, 
230. 

Mackinnon,  Sir  William,  a  director 
of  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  7  ;  considers  Uganda 
the  key  of  the  Nile  valley,  149. 

Macpherson,  Dr.,  officer  of  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  206 ;  reaches  Uganda, 
166  ;  marches  with  Lugard  from 
Uganda,  182  ;  ill  with  fever,  360 ; 
he  leaves  for  the  coast,  361 ;  his 
record,  366. 

Madura,  The,  steamship  in  which 
Ashe  sailed  from  Naples  to  Zanzi- 
bar, 5,  6  ;  discomforts  of  the 
voyage,  10. 

Maloney,   Dr.,  a    Roman    Catholic 


prejudiced  witness  against  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany, never  in  Uganda,  258. 

Mamboya,  Ashe  stays  at  the  Church 
Missionary  Society  station  at, 
21  ;  is  welcomed  on  his  way 
home  by  Deekes,  444. 

Martin  arrives  with  a  caravan, 
166;  brings  letters  from  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany ordering  Lugard  to  with- 
draw, 206,  209  ;  reaches  Mumias, 

365.  379- 

Masaka,  the  capital  of  Budu,  262; 
Walker  stationed  here,  48  ;  de- 
scription of  Walker's  house,  262  ; 
Ashe  leaves,  269,  270. 

Mathews,  Sir  Lloyd,  chief  Euro- 
pean adviser  of  the  sultan  of 
Zanzibar,  9;  entertains  Ashe  and 
party  at  Zanzibar,  450. 

Mazengo,  14,  15,  444,  449. 

Mengo,  Lugard  arrives  at,  152; 
Bishop  Tucker,  155 ;  Walker 
and  Ashe,  277,  368;  situation, 
228;  the  battle  of  Mengo,  229- 

231  ;  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa    Company's    flag    set    up, 

232  ;  Mwanga'sreturn  to  Mengo, 
312,  313;  arrival  of  Captains 
Macdonald  and  Pringle  of  the 
Raihvay  Survey,  336  ;  departure 
of  Sir  Gerald  Portal,  396;  de- 
parture of  Ashe  and  Nickisson, 
415;  Letter  of  the  Times  corre- 
spondent, 400,  401. 

Millar,  Mr.,  an  English  missionary, 

403- 
Missionaries  pleased  at  Mwanga's 
succession  to  the  throne,  67  ; 
Mwanga's  deputations  to  them, 
135 ;  agreement  between  the 
English  and  French  missionaries, 
Lugard's  view  of  their  proper 
claim  to  interfere  in  politics, 
164,  165,  181,  277;  Captain 
Williams  secures  their  good 
offices  to  restrain  their  converts, 
197  ;  are  ignored  by  Lugard,  207  ; 
a  shelter  offered  to  them  at  Kam- 
pala, 266  ;  unjust  sneers,  369  ;  Sir 
Gerald  Portal  proposes  to  con- 
fine their  operations  to  particular 
spheres,  395,  396,  457,  458. 


472 


Tnaex 


Mombasa,  headquarters  of  the  Im- 
perial British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany, 7. 

Mpwapwa,  a  station  of  the  Ger- 
man Government  and  meeting 
place  for  caravans,  22 ;  Ashe 
encamps  at,  442 ;  Rev.  J.  C. 
Price  baptises  at,  442. 

Muhammedans,    in    opposition    to 
Mwanga,  95  ;  Mwanga's  plot  to 
kill  all  their  readers,  97 ;  alarm 
Kivvewa  against  the  Christians, 
116;  v^'ish  to  force  Kiwewa  to  be 
circumcised,    119;    defeats,    138, 
143  ;  become  troublesome  under 
Embogo,  171;  Lugard's  proposals, 
174,   175,  177;  introduction  into 
Uganda,    180,    326;    envoys    re- 
ceived   by  Lugard    at   Kampala, 
320,    321  ;    understanding    with 
the  Sudanese  troops,   323,   324  ; 
burglaries,  381,  382  ;  do  not  wel- 
come Sir  Gerald  Portal,  393  ;  are 
bent  on'^fighting,  398 ;  refuse  to 
work    for    Mwanga,    398 ;    plot, 
4C0,   401  ;    mutiny    ended,   408, 
411. 
Muhuma,  cattle-keeping  tribe,  419. 
Mujasi,  urges  Mwanga  to  persecute 
the    Christians,   80,    81  ;    warns 
Kidza  to  fly,  71  ;  excuse  for  not 
obeying    Mwanga,    99 ;    his  re- 
cord, 120;  is  killed  by  Kiwewa, 
121. 
Mukajangwn,  Mutesa's  executioner, 
kills    the    Muhammedan    pages, 

65- 

Mukasa,  declines  to  join  Mwanga  s 
plot  to  kill  the  Muhammedan  and 
Christian  readers,  97  ;  appointed 
Katikiro,  98 ;  his  death  and 
character,  134,  135. 

Mukwcnda,  Chief  of  Singo,  102, 
117,  126,  139,  162,  272. 

Mumias,  365,  378. 

Munyaga,  a  martyr.  81. 

Mutatembwa  visited  by  Captain 
Langheld,  50 ;  is  interested  in 
Ashe's  bicycle,  51  ;  receives 
Mwanga,  301,  305. 

Mutcsa,  like  Herod,  hears  Mackay 
gladly,  63  ;  welcomes  the  Arabs 
and  begins  persecutions,  63 ; 
dies  in   1 884,   and  is  succeeded 


by  his  son  Mwanga,  65,  66; 
attempts  to  become  lord  of 
Uvuma,  386 ;  failure  of  his  ex- 
pedition against  Uvuma,  387 
murders  the  guests  from  Uvuma; 
387,  388. 
Muxworthy,  a  partner  with  Stokes, 
and  a  prejudiced  witness  against 
the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  258;  Ashe  meets  him 
at  Usongo,  432  ;  his  version  of 
the  rescue  of  Bwana  Heri's  slave 
dhow  and  its  consequences,  433, 

434- 
Mwanga    succeeds  his   father    as 
king,  66  ;  is  under  the  influence 
of  the  Arabs,  68 ;  attacks  Apolo 
Kagwa,  81  ;  starts  a  persecution 
at  the   suggestion   of  Mujasi  on 
the  Christians,   80;    record,   82; 
interview     with      Gordon      and 
Walker,  87-89;  Walker's  descrip- 
tion of  him,  89,  90;  portrait,  91  ; 
royal  progress  through  his  king- 
dom,   90 ;    tyrannies,    93  ;    fears 
and  enemies,  94 ;  Christian  and 
Muhammedan     opposition,    95  ; 
plots  with  the  heathen  party  to 
murder    all    the    Christian    and 
Muhammedan   readers,  97;    dis- 
obedience to  his  orders  leads  to 
his  expulsion,   99-102  ;  proposal 
to  kill  him,  102 ;  the  question  of 
his  successor,    104 ;    Mwanga   is 
betrayed  by  Mukasa's  contingent, 
who  join  Kiwewa,  106;  proposal 
by  the  Christians  to  restore  him 
opposed  by  Gordon  and  Mackaj', 
123,    124;  Mackay  fears  his   re- 
turn, 131  ;  received  by  the  Sesse 
islanders,  132;  he  sends  deputa- 
tions   to    the    missionaries,    135; 
translation  of  his  letter  to  Mac- 
kay,  136;    Lugard's  instructions 
in    dealing  with  him,   150;    Lu- 
gard'sfirst  visit  to  him,  152,  153  ; 
is    desirous   of  joining  the  Pro- 
:        testant  party,  199;  the  offer  re- 
fused    by    Williams,     200 ;    the 
I        I'Yench  partj'  suggest  Mwanga's 
j        deposition,    201  ;    Lugard's    un- 
I        happy  interview  with  him,  218; 
I        the  value  of  his  person,  238,  244 ; 
1        wishes  to  return,  238,  239;  with 


Index 


473 


Bishop  Hirth,  283  ;  the  bishop 
advises  him  not  to  return,  241  ; 
retires  to  Mutatembwa,  301  ;  de- 
sires a  change  of  masters,  305  ; 
Stefano  arranges  and  carries  out 
his  escape  from  the  French  party, 
310-312;  returns,  312,  313;  is 
replaced  as  lawful  heir  to  the 
throne,  instead  of  Embogo  the 
Muhammedan,  321  ;  attends  in 
state  the  Protestant  church,  343, 
344  ;  proposes  to  send  an  envoy 
to  England,  but  is  dissuaded  by 
the  Resident,  373,374;  is  fright- 
ened at  Captain  Williams  allusion 
to  Hannington's  murder,  but  is 
comforted  by  Roscoe's  assur- 
ances that  it  is  condoned,  374; 
Captain  Macdonald's  interview 
vvithhim,  375;  awkward  question 
about  the  status  of  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company, 
375,  376;  friendship  with  the 
people  of  Uvuma,  388 ;  the  Mu- 
hammedans  refuse  to  work  as 
his  subjects,  398,  399 ;  Govern- 
ment instructions  to  Sir  Gerald 
Portal  as  to  his  attitude,  455, 
456. 

Namasole,  the  King's  mother.  63. 
82. 

Namirembe  Hill,  its  situation,  228 ; 
the  site  of  the  new  Protestant 
Church  on  it,  228  :  opening  of, 
and  portrait  of  the  Protestant 
Church,  343-345.  355  ;  funeral 
service  over  Bishop  Hanning- 
ton's bones,  378,  379. 

Naples,  visited  by  Ashe  en  route 
for  Uganda,  5 ; 

Nassa,  Hubbard  is  stationed  at  the 
Church  Missionary  Societj-'s  mis- 
sion here,  40,  416;  illustration 
of  mission  boys,  417  ;  the  return 
journey,  416,  419. 

Nickisson,  comes  to  Uganda  with 
Bishop  Tucker,  378 ;  leaves 
Mengo  with  Ashe,  415 ;  his 
farewell  to  Ashe  at  Nassa,  420. 

Nyanza,  Lake,  Ashe  desires  to 
return  there,  4 ;  Bishop  Hirth 
with  Mwanga  on  the  Lake,  252 ; 
a    fair    Catholic    kingdom,    158; 


Mwanga    escapes    in    a    canoe, 
311,  312  ;  how  supplied  by  water 
{see  "  Perils  of  Water  "). 
Nzitiza,  the  King's  messenger,  304, 
307- 

O'Flaherty,  Rev,  P,,  a  Church 
Missionary  Society  missionary, 
70,  78 ;  leaves  Uganda,  79. 

O'Neill,  Mr.,  one  of  the  first  mis- 
sionaries to  reach  Uganda,  56 ; 
is  massacred  by  Lukonge,  60. 

Owen,  Major,  leads  an  expedition 
into  Unyoro,  386,439;  he  fights 
the  Muhammedans  by  the  banks 
of  the  Mpanga,  409. 

Peters,  Dr.  Carl,  leading  a  German 
Emin  relief  expedition,  goes  to 
Uganda,  141  ;  he  concocts  a 
treaty  with  the  French  priests 
for  Mwanga,  independently  of 
the    Protestants    who    refuse    it, 

144,  145.  158. 

Pilkington,  G.  L.,  an  English  mis-, 
sionary,  206  ;  arrives  in  Uganda 
with  Bishop  Tucker,  155;  letter 
in  the  Church  Missionary  Society' s 
Intelligencer.  198,  199. 

Pokino,  Chief  of  Bndu,  97,  1 14, 
162,  188,  262,  266,  275, 

Pompeii,  visited  en  route  to  Uganda, 

5- 

Portal,  Captain  Raymond,  brother 
of  Sir  Gerald  Portal,  died  in 
Uganda,  397. 

Port  Said,  passed  en  route  to  Zanzi- 
bar, 6. 

Portal,  Sir  Gerald,  his  opinion  of 
Zakaria,  180;  he  considers  the 
political  position  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, 181  ;  enters  Uganda  as 
the  Government  Commissioner, 
393  ;  his  awards,  394 ;  recom- 
mends that  the  operations  of 
missionaries  should  be  confined 
to  particular  spheres  of  influence, 
and  induces  Bishop  Hirth  to 
agree,  395,  396,  457,  458  ;  leaves 
Mengo  for  England  to  report 
upon  Uganda,  396  ;  leaves  Cap- 
tain Macdonald  as  representa- 
tive of  the  administration,  397  ; 
Muhammedans  aggrieved  at  his 


474 


Index 


awards,  397 ;  is  recalled  by 
Captain  Macdonald,  403 ;  he 
notices  the  small  influence  of  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa  Com- 
pany, 193,  241 ;  instructions  on 
his  appointment  as  Government 
Commissioner  to  Uganda,  his 
attitude  towards  Mwanga  and 
Uganda,  455,  456  ;  letter  to  Lord 
Rosebery  on  mission  extension, 

457,  458. 

Price,  Rev.  J.  C,  a  Church  Mis- 
sionary Society  missionary  at 
Mpwapwa,  442,  443. 

Pringle,  Captain,  of  the  Railway 
Survey,  reaches  Mengo,  336. 

Protestants,  Lugard's  ignorance  of 
the  real  feeling  and  position  of 
the  Protestants,  157;  carry  the 
flag  of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company,  176;  the  party 
for  English  interests,  194,  195  ; 
relations  to  the  turncoat  chiefs, 
198;  Mwanga's  offers  to  join 
them,  199;  support  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company, 
211;  their  courage,  250,  251; 
Bishop  Hirth's  estimate  of  their 
character,  254;  prejudiced  wit- 
nesses against  them,  257,  258  ; 
Lugard's  indifference  to  them, 
301  ;  are  armed  by  Captain 
Macdonald,  406. 

Railvvay  Survey,  336,  338. 

Reddie,  Mr.,  a  Government  officer, 
sent-  for  by  Captain  Macdonald, 
403  ;  is  taken  to  Entebe,  407. 

Ripon  Falls,  367. 

Robinson,  Sergeant,  attendant  of 
Captain  Stairs,  and  a  hostile 
critic  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  258. 

Roga,  a  little  chief  interested  in 
Ashe's  bicycle,  furnishes  porters, 

47. 

Roman  Catholics,  as  patriotic  up- 
holders of  Uganda,  desire  war, 
209,  211,  221,  222;  farther  con- 
cessions for  them,  402. 

Rome,  visited  by  Ashe  en  route  to 
Uganda,  5. 

Roscoe,  J.,  a  Church  Mission  Society 
missionary,    206,    254;    reasons 


for  his  early  arrival  at  Luba,  165, 
361;  sees  Lugard  at  Kampala, 
288 ;  assures  Mwanga  that  Han- 
nington's  murder  has  been  con- 
doned, 374. 
Rubaga,  the  mission  station  of  the 
French  priests,  104,  156 ;  their 
church  in  flames,  230 ;  its  situa- 
tion 228;  incidents  during  the 
battle  of  Mengo,  223,  224 ;  in- 
tended attack  by  the  Muham- 
medans,  400. 

Sadaani,  opposite  to  Zanzibar,  10, 
1 1 ;  Ashe  receives  hospitality 
from  the  German  officers,  449. 

Samwili,  translated  copy  of  his 
letter  to  Bishop  Tucker,   335. 

Sayyid  Hamid  bin  Thwain,  Sultan 
of  Zanzibar,  451. 

Schintz,  Pere,  military  officer  and 
French  missionary,  died  in  1891, 
206. 

Sebwato  Nikodemo,  afterwards 
Sekibobo,  238,  350,  41 1. 

Selim  Bey,  in  charge  of  Emin 
Pasha's  Sudanese  soldiers,  179, 
184;  description,  185;  enlists  ui 
the  service  of  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Companj', 
187  ;  influence  over  the  Sudanese 
soldiers,  400 ;  position  and 
character,  400,  401 ;  his  im- 
possible position,  402  ;  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  Government,  404; 
Captain  Macdonald  goes  to  deal 
with  him  at  Entebe,  406 ;  he  is 
arrested,  and  dies  on  his  way  to 
the  coast,  407,  408. 

Sematimba,  Mika,  a  Protestant, 
270  ;  is  disturbed  by  a  leopard, 
272;  leaves  Uganda  with  Walker, 
340. 

Sembera,  a  Protestant  convert  with 
the  Christian  name  of  Mackay, 
225  ;  he  is  shot,  230. 

Semliki  River,  crossed  by  Lugard, 
183,  187. 

Sesse  Islands  declare  for  Mwanga, 
132;  Mwanga  flees  thither,  132; 
the  question  of  dividing  them 
between  the  French  and  English, 
161  ;  Messrs.  Bagge  and  Kuhne, 
and  Bishop  Hirth  here,  284,  285  ; 


Index 


475 


occupied  by  Captain  Williams, 
306. 

Shergold  Smith,  R.N.,  one  of  the 
first  Church  Missionary  Society 
missionaries  to  Uganda,  56;  is 
massacred  by  Lukonge,  60. 

Siegel,  Mr.,  the  German  Governor, 
his  conversation  upon  the 
Wanyamvvezi,  and  the  Africans 

32. 

Singo,  a  province,  117,  162,  303. 

Smith,  Dr.,  one  of  the  first  Church 
Missionary  Society  missionaries 
to  Uganda,  56 ;  dies  from  dysen- 
tery, 60. 

Smith,  F.  C,  a  Church  Missionary 
Society  Missionary,  267  ;  opens 
a  mission  in  Usoga,  165;  is  dis- 
turbed by  leopards  and  goats, 
272,  273  ;  .reaches  Mengo,  277  ; 
adventurous  interview  with 
Wakoli,  his  danger  with  the 
natives,  353-368  ;  letter  to  Ashe, 
362  ;  his  portrait,  359. 

Smith,  Major  Eric,  reaches  Mumias, 
365  ;  brings  notice  of  the  Govern- 
ment's intention  to  subsidise  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  366  ;  goes  to  Uganda 
with  a  Maxim  gun,  366, 

Smithies,  Bishop,  450. 

Songoro,  a  runaway  slave,  after- 
wards captain  of  the  mission 
ship,  James  Hannington,  416 ; 
his  death,  417. 

Stairs,  Captain,  Ashe's  acquaint- 
ance with  him  on  the  Madura, 
a  conversation  about  Africa,  4; 
Ashe  falls  in  with  his  caravan, 
16. 

Stanley,  H.  M.,  his  letter  induces 
the  Church  Missionary  Society  to 
undertake  the  Uganda  mission, 
56  ;  has  no  great  faith  in  Mwanga, 
and  refuses  to  help  the  exiled 
Christians,  136;  assists  Mutesa 
in  his  war  against  the  people  of 
Uvuma,  386,  387. 

Stefano,  meets  Mwanga,  310; 
arranges  and  carries  out  his 
escape,  310-312.  • 

Stock,  Eugene,  a  director  of  the 
Church  Missionary  Society  mis- 
sion in    Uganda,  56 ;   supported 


Mackay  on  the  Church  Mis- 
sionary Society  Committee,  35. 

Stokes,  formerly  a  missionary,  now 
an  ivory  trader,  helps  the  restora- 
tion of  Mwanga,  124;  welcomes 
Ashe,  432. 

Stuhlmann,  Hcrr,  166 ;  a  witness 
hostile  to  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  258. 

Sudanese,  323,  399,  401. 

Sultan  of  Zanzibar,  a  description 
of  him,  9 ;  allows  Ashe  and 
Alberto  an  interview,  451. 

Taborah,  Unyanyembe,  32. 

Tetze  Fly,  29,  30,  31. 

Times  correspondent,  397 ;  formerly 
an  agent  of  the  Imperial  British 
East  Africa  Company,  reaches 
Uganda,  376 ;  his  criticism 
answered,  376,  377  ;  his  version 
of  the  intended  Muhammedan 
attack  on  Kampala,  400,  401  ; 
sent  for  by  Captain  Macdonald, 
403  ;  takes  charge  of  Selim  Bey, 
Juma,  and  Embogo  as  far  as 
Kavi rondo,  407. 

Toro,  385,  395,  458,  459,  462. 

Tucker,  Bishop,  arrives  with 
Pilkington  at  Mengo,  155  ;  fails  to 
grasp  the  situation  193,  194 ; 
copy  of  Samwili's  letter  to  him, 
335 ;  his  arrival  with  mission- 
aries, 377 ;  Ashe  sends  him  his 
resignation,  377 ;  his  funeral 
address  at  the  interment  of 
Bishop  Hannington's  bones,  379  ; 
tries  to  pre%'ent  the  attack  on 
the  people  of  Uvuma,  389 ; 
engages  not  to  send  for  some 
time  missionaries  into  Toro,  458. 

Uganda,  discovered  and  described 
by  Speke,  and  visited  by  Stanley, 
55,  56;  the  Uganda  mission 
taken  up  by  the  Church  Mission- 
ary Society  in  consequence  of 
Stanley's  letters,  56 ;  weapons, 
instruments,  and  utensils  illus- 
trated, 58 ;  described  59,  264- 
266;  Arab  traders  welcomed  by 
Mutesa,  63,  65 ;  rumours  of 
European  aggression,  68,  94 ; 
martyrdom  of  three  young  con- 


476 


Index 


verts,  69 ;  Bishop  Hanningtcn 
warned  of  the  dangers  of  enter- 
ing, 71  ;  chiefs  order  his  murder, 
73 ;  Mackay  withdraws  and 
Gordon  arrives,  86;  the  formation 
of  the  Imperial  British  East 
Africa  Company  destined  to  in- 
fluence Uganda,  90 ;  Kiwewa 
king,  104  ;  representatives  of  the 
English  and  French  Missions, 
114;  the  Arab  plot  to  seize 
Uganda,  Il6,  117;  Mr.  Jackson 
has  orders  not  to  enter,  149 ; 
Dr.  Peters  makes  a  treaty  with 
Mwanga,  141  ;  commencement  of 
the  building  of  the  first  Christian 
church,  146  ;  Captain  Lugard,  of 
the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  sent  to  occupy  Uganda, 
149 ;  his  instructions  with  regard 
to  it,  149;  the  interests  of  the 
French  Government  in  the 
Roman  Catholic  Missions  here, 
150;  Lugard  enters,  152;  the 
policy  of  the  French  priests  to 
gain  possession,  158;  General 
Gordon's  opinion  on  the  Uganda 
mission,  162 ;  Lugard's  awards 
of  the  chieftainships,  162 ;  politics 
and  religion  inextricably  en- 
tangled there,  164,  303  ;  the  Mu- 
hammedansraid  into  Uganda,  171; 
method  of  fighting,  178;  danger 
of  fanatical  Muhammedans,  180; 
an  order  from  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company  to 
withdraw  Lugard,  206 ;  English 
influence  established,  313;  en- 
trance of  the  Muhammedans, 
326 ;  the  practicability  of  a  rail- 
way and  the  cost  of  carriage, 
336,  337;  Lugard,  Walker,  the 
staff  of  the  Railway  Commission, 
and  Dr.  Wright  leave  Uganda, 
340,  352,  359;  Captain  Mac- 
donald  ordered  to  re-enter,  373  ; 
treated  as  a  conquered  country, 
380;  Kabarega's  relations  with 
it,  383 ;  he  sends  messengers, 
385 ;  its  whole  fighting  force 
gathered  against  the  people  of 
Uvuma,  389 ;  Sir  G.  Portal, 
as  Government  Comnissioner, 
enters,  393 ;  instructions  to  Sir 


G.  Portal  as  Corr.missioner,  467, 
468 ;  the  proposed  terr  itorial 
divisions  between  the  Catholics 
and  Protestants,  469,  470;  the 
useof  undisciplined  and  Sudanese 
troops  there,  474-476. 

Ugogo,  description  of,  24 ;  descrip- 
tion of.tbe  people,  25. 

Unyoro,  144. 

Usambira,  Mackay  dies  of  fever  at, 
3  ;  Deekes  ill  with  fever,  32,  143  ; 
the  now  abandoned  Church 
Missionary  Society  station,  and 
the  scene  of  Mackay's  labours, 
34 ;  Walker  and  Gordon  wel- 
comed by  Mackaj',  1 18;  arrival 
of  Stanley  with  Emin  Pasha, 
136. 

Usoga,  the  tragedy  on  Smith's 
visit  to  Wakali,  351,  352,  354, 
356. 

Usongo,  Stokes'  village,  passed  by 
Ashe,  33,  432,  437. 

Uvuma,  Mutesa  attempts  to  conquer 
it,  385,  387 ;  Mwanga's  friend- 
ship towards  the  people  of 
Uvuma,  388 ;  hostility  of  the 
Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  388,  389 ;  attack  on 
its  people,  389,  390. 

Wakirenzi  Mulondo,  408. 

Wakoli,  the  chief  of  Usogo,  Smith's 
tragic  interview  with,  353-358, 
362  ;  is  shot  by  a  porter,  354 ; 
his  death,  358. 

Walker,  R.  H.,  Archdeacon,  at 
Masaka,  48,  261  ;  joins  Gordon 
in  Uganda,  86;  plot  to  kill  him, 
87  ;  interview  with  Mwanga,  87- 
^9)  153  j  ^is  description  of 
Mwanga,  89 ;  welcomed  at 
Usambiro  by  Mackay,  1 18; 
leaves  Usambiro,  136 ;  describes 
the  commenceirent  of  the  build- 
ing of  the  first  Christian  church 
in  Uganda,  146;  letter  in  the 
Church  Missionary  Society  s  In- 
teUigeucer,  197,  198;  meets  Ashe, 
261 ;  description  of  his  house  at 
Masalta,  262 ;  receives  news  of 
the  war  at  Mengo,  267  ;  no  com- 
munication or  assistance  sent  to 
him    by   Lugard,  267,  268,   274; 


Index 


477 


leopard  and  goats  at  night,  272, 
273 ;  Lugard  complains  of  his 
message  to  Ferag  Effendi,  275  ; 
leaves  Uganda  with  Sematimba 
to  visit  England,  340. 

Walukaga,  a  martyr,  81. 

Williams,  Captain,  is  sent  to  assist 
Lugard;  156;  left  in  charge  at 
Kampala  during  Lugard's  ab- 
sence, 194 ;  receives  a  protest 
from  the  English  missionaries, 
196;  the  difficulties  of  his  posi- 
tion, 197,  382 ;  the  Roman 
Catholicsdemandreligiousliberty 
from  him,  198,  199;  Bulinguge, 
248,  249 ;  is  sent  by  Lugard  to 
Bukoba  to  secure  Mwanga's 
nephews,  292,  293,  306 ;  is  sent 
by  Lugard  to  occupy  the  Sesse 
Islands,  306;  has  an  attack  of 
fever,  352  ;  attacks  Uvuma,  390. 

"Wilson,  Rev.  C.  T.,  -one  of  the 
first  Church  Missionary  Society 
missionaries  to  reach  Uganda, 
56. 

Wilson,  an  officer  of  the  Imperial 
British  East  Africa  Company, 
206;  is  in  charge  of  their  boat, 
360,  361 ;  his  portrait,  359. 

Wolf,   Herr,    a   witness   hostile  to 

.  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa 
Company,  258  ;  a  German  news- 
paper correspondent,  366;  with 


Captain  Macdonald  at  Kampala, 

374- 

Wright,  Dr.  Gaskoin,  leaves  a 
lucrative  practice,  and  starts  for 
Uganda  as  a  medical  missionary, 
4,  206  ;  has  dysentery,  1 1 ;  he 
extracts  from  the  throat  of  a 
native  a  huge  piece  of  meat,  347  ; 
suffers  from  fever,  352 ;  leaves 
Uganda,  359. 

Wright,  Rev.  Henrj',  a  director 
of  the  Church  Missionary  Society 
mission  to  Uganda,  56. 

Yafeti,  Bikweamba,.  the  Katikiro, 
182,  395. 

Zakaria,  belongs  to  the  English 
party,  180:  Sir  Gerald  Portal's 
opinion  of  him,  180;  marches 
with  Lugard  from  Uganda,  373  ; 
is  selected  as  an  envoy  by 
Mwanga,    373. 

Zanzibar,  or  Unguja,  a  description, 
8 ;  is  a  free  port,  9 ;  status  of 
British  Indian  residents,  10 ; 
Mr.  Greaves  is  brought  back,  12  ; 
the  Universities'  Mission,  12, 
449 ;  the  Custom  Houses,  203 
(footnote)  ;  Ashe  arrives  on  his 
way  home,  449 ;  entertained  by 
Sir  Lloyd  Mathews,  450  ;  Ashe 
interviews  the   Sultan,  451.  ! 


BOOKS,  MAGAZINES,  ETC.,  QUOTED  IN  THIS 
VOLUME 


Blackwood^s  Magasine. 

June  1894  {re  Zanzibar),  9. 
Two  Kings  of  Uganda,  by  Rev.  R.  P.  Ashe  (Sampson  Low  &  Co.). 

Page    145    (with   reference    to   the    murder   of    three    converts    in 

Uganda),  69. 
(for  Ashe's  view  of  the  claim  of  missionaries  to  interfere  in  pohtics), 
165. 
Notes  on  Uganda  (Waterlow  &  Sons). 

Page  130  (about  the  arms  imported  into  Uganda),  203-205. 

Page  59  (to  show,  in  Bishop  Hirth's  opinion,  the  value  of  Mwanga's 

person  as  regards  the  propaganda),  244. 
Page  102  (to  show  how  Kiihne  thwarted  the  removal  of  Mwanga's 

nephews),  293. 
Page  27  (to  show  the  attitude  of  the  missionaries),  278. 
The  British  Mission  to  Uganda. 

Pages  144,  145,  quoted  (for  Sir  G.  Portal's  opinion  of  Zakaria),  180. 
The  Church  Missionary  Society's  Intelligencer. 

January  1 888  (contains  Mackay's  account  of  a  trying  period  in  the 

Uganda  Mission),  86. 
November    1888  (contains  an  account  of  Walker's  interview  with 

Mvvanga),  87-89. 
September    1888    (contains    Gordon's    letters    and    accounts   of    a 

troublous  period  in  Uganda),  93,  94. 
February   1862    (contains  Walker's   and  Pilkington's  letters    about 
^  the  turncoat  chiefs),  197-199. 

'.  July     1892    (contains    Bishop    Hirth's    account    of    the    affair    at 
Bulinguge),  249-253,  284. 
Lugard's  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire. 
Lugard's  crossing  the  Nile,  152. 
The  word  "Protestant,"  153. 
Lugard's  partial  justice,  161. 
Lugard's  complaint  of  the  want  of  assistance  from  the  missionaries, 

166. 
Lugard's  explanation  for  not  sending  assistance  to  Walker,  267,  268. 
Lugard's  statement  about  the  Imperial  British  East  Africa  Company's 

compensation  to  the  Church  Missionary  Society,  277. 
The  priests  bearing  messages  to  Mvvanga,  304. 
How  Lugard  had  lost  confidence  in  the  English  party,  307. 
Lugard's  reception  of  the  Muhammedan  envoys,  322. 
473 


Index  of  Native   Words  and  Phrases ..    479 

How  the  Muhammedans  had  tempted  the  Sudanese  troops  to  join 
with  them,  323. 
LugarcVs  Rise  of  our  East  African  Empire — continued. 

Lugard's  assertion  that  the  Church  Missionary  Society's  Committee 
approved  of  his  conduct  in  Uganda,  377, 
The  Tablet. 

June    1892    (Bishop   Hirth's   account   of  the   affair  at   Bulinguge), 
249-253,  284. 
The  Times. 

{Re  Fadl  Maula  Bey),  400,  401. 
Sir  G.  PortaVs  Journal. 

About  the  proposal  to  confine  missionary  operations  to  particular 
spheres,  396. 


INDEX  OF   NATIVE  WORDS  AND    PHRASES. 


Abaprotestanti  {Protestants),  153. 
"Asinze"  {"  He  is  great"),  96. 

Bafransa  {French),  153. 
Bamboa  {executioner) ,  100. 
Bambeja  {princesses),  105. 
Bafulasa  {French),  153,  319. 
Bangcreza  {English),  153,  317. 
Bakabaka  {kings),  373. 
Bazungu  {English),  153- 
Baloza  {British  agent),  433. 
Boma  (enclosure),  445. 
Bwerende    {the  monthly  Sabbath), 

99- 
Butaka  {possession),  66. 

Dawa  {medicine),  16. 
Dini  (religion),  104. 

"Emboozi'"  {"  It  is  the  goats"),  273. 

Gabunga  {chief  of  Sesse),  94. 
"Gwangamujejujunju!"  {"Nation! 
come  for  Junju  !'^),  224.] 

Jahazi  {dhow),  433. 

Katikiro  {prime  minister),  66. 


Kauta  {chief  cook),  67. 

Kigya  {sacred  temple),  67. 

Kasanga  {tusk  of  ivory),  88. 

Kikase  {drums),  96, 

Kulagula  {to  foretell),  98. 

Kimbugwe  {keeper  of  the  royal  en- 
closure), 113. 

Kibare  {regent  in  king's  absence), 
225. 

"  La  Illaha  ill'  Allah  Muhammedu 
rasul  Allah  ("  God  is  God,  and 
Muhammed  is  His  prophet"), 
318. 

Lwanga  {the jaw),  67. 

Lyato  {canoe),  262. 

Mulamba  {king's  doormaker),  67. 
Manoga  {king's  tailor),  67. 
Musalosalo  {the  engineer),  94. 
Mayembe  (sacred  horns),  99,  153. 
Mujaguzu    {the   royal  drum),    104, 

113- 

Mumbeja  (princess),  105. 

Mapera  (French  missionaries,  cor- 
rupted from  mes  pcres),  105. 

"Mutuse  bananga"  ("You  have 
come,  my  friends"),  120.  ' 


%So     Index  of  Native   Words  and  Phrases 


Mulangira  (prince),  126. 
Magezi  {cleverness),  267. 
Muli  {reed-like  grass),  343,  380. 
Masala  {cleverness),  425. 
Muzungu  {Englishman),  425. 

','  O  sinze  "  ("  You  are  great "),  96. 
Omwanika  {storekeeper),  94. 
"Oli  musaja   dala "   {"You   are  a 
man ''),  143- 

Pokino  {ruler  of  Bud u),  97. 

Senkole  {the  man  who  lighted  the  fire 
at  the  accession  of  the  king),  66. 


Seruti  {chief  butler),  67. 
Sebalija  {chief  herdsman),  67. 
Sensalira    {second  in  command  to 
Sebalija),  67. 

"TujageKaya"  {'^  Let  us  go  home"), 

433- 
"Tweanzc  '   ("  We  thank  you"), 

352. 

Ugali  {porridge),  445. 

Wankaki  (^gateway),  88. 
Woza   musango   {to  plead  a  case), 
374- 


Printed  by  Hasell,  Watson,  <S'  Vmey,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury. 


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